But the problem of uniting, under one Government and under one leadership, a continent which lacks the racial, cultural, and linguistic homogeneity of U.S.A., the centuries-old cultural and political unity of China and (to a great extent) of India, and the ideological cohesion of Russia must not be underestimated. The distinguishing factors which we have just mentioned are complicated by the fact that Africa has peculiar internal stresses and strains, divisions and conflicts, inherent in its political, economic, and cultural evolution.
Nevertheless, the economic unity of Africa is an attainable goal and should be pursued relentlessly. This is the greatest obligation which Nigeria owes to Africa: to work for the quick advent of its unity and thereby’ hasten the attainment of economic freedom and material prosperity for all the peoples of the continent. In this connection, the recent emergence of regional economic groupings such as the East African Common Market, the West African Common Market, etc., is a healthy and commendable evolution. It should be encouraged. But these groupings should be regarded as no more and no less than steps in the right direction. For one thing, in scale and potential, they are incapable of meeting the challenge of the gargantuan economic groupings which are now taking place in Europe and the Americas. For another, there is the danger that these regional African groupings might engage in destructive competition among themselves, unless their activities are co- ordinated and canalized at an Africa-wide level.
It is acknowledged that international organisations like the E.C.A. have done a tremendous amount of work in studying the economic and social problems of Africa, and in formulating solutions for them.
It is also acknowledged that African States have participated actively in the work of these international organisations and have derived some benefits from their activities. But it must be admitted that these international organizations are far from being adequate; nor are they compatible with the intense desire of African States for economic self-determination and independence.
Africa’s attitude to these international organisations should be to regard them not as the Alpha and Omega of its economic salvation, but as trail blazers for its own permanent, all-embracing economic community.
We have deliberately stressed the economic aspects of the O.A.U. declaration of policy, because we regard economic freedom and prosperity as the be – all and end – all of Africa’s salvation. As long as Africa or most of its States remain underdeveloped and economically subservient, so long will poverty, ignorance, and disease persist in the continent, together with their concomitants of colonialism, neo-colonialism, lan-Smithism, Vorsterism, and Salazarism.
Thirdly, Nigeria owes it as an obligation to its peoples in particular, and mankind in general, to promote the peace, progress, and prosperity of the world and its entire multitudes and diversities of races. The fundamental principle which must be borne strictly and constantly in mind, in this connection, is that all the good or evil things of this world are indivisible; and more so now that the world is much smaller than it used to be, and all countries are now, so to say, one another’s next-door neighbours. But the world in which we live is so crazy, and its affairs are so chaotic, that the temptation is very strong for any underdeveloped country, like Nigeria, to want to throw in the towel and let the forces of unreason and madness take their courses. For the reason which we have just stated, that is of the indivisibility of all the good or evil things of this world, this temptation must be resisted at all costs.
The question which then arises is this: what modus operandi should Nigeria adopt in order to discharge effectively its three obligations which, as we have seen, do no! always harmonize, because of the conflicting and divergent self-interests of all the countries that compose the world?
First of all, Nigeria must recognise the difference between fo.reign policy and foreign affairs. It must then proceed, most carefully, to formulate and declare for itself an abiding foreign policy, which will remain immutable through all the buffetings and vicissitudes of international conflicts and collisions.
There is, in our considered view, a good deal of difference between the declaration of external policy and the conduct of external affairs The one is strategy, and the other is tactics When a ship puts to sea, and is destined for a particular harbour, it can be said that its policy is to sail to that harbour, come what may. Whether it pursues one of a number of alternative routes which lead to the specified harbour; and what manoeuvreing, detours and digressions it makes in the course of the journey; all these depend on the daily circumstances of the voyage, including the state of the weather and of the sea. But since the choice of harbour must be necessitated by the need to satisfy the customers, it is not open to the shipowners, arbitrarily, to choose and vary the ship’s destination, as their own pleasures and fancies dictate.
As with the shipowners in our analogy, so with a State; and so Nigeria. Nigerian leaders cannot and should not be permitted to determine and vary the country’s policy – external or domestic – without strict regard to the welfare and happiness of the Nigerian peoples.
In the last four chapters, we have dealt fully with the political, economic, and social policies which Nigeria must follow, if it would promote the welfare of its peoples and make them live a full and happy life.
Granting that it is blessed with the right type of leadership to adopt these policies, then its external :’’’licy must be .nudcd b~ the lat.cr In, ,.:! ,_i’CUIn-,ldnl’:’; igeria must espouse abroad the CUUI”:-.\. \\ j1i ,>, !l’Sl’C,> at horne \\ uhout llecc~~:iri!) seeking to- impose It:; \ IC\\S on other countn : I’ .ch have div cr~t:ll’ domestic policies. For instance, it cannot affor.’ tu I , .. n”i;li~t ,l’ home and crpirahxt abroad; it cannot afford r \. v and individual freedom at home and cond .’ ,1<>11 and tyranny abroad; indeed, it cannot afford to enforce unity at home, and instigate disintegration or subvert unity abroad. And so on, and so forth. It must be borne in mind that to practise one thing at home, and advocate or do the opposite abroad is evidence of lack of direction, and of abiding faith in any fundamental policy .
A man cannot hold contradictory views or pursue contradictory courses of action at the sametime, unless he is a downright scum or a bare-faced hypocrite or both.
Granting, therefore, its adoption of the blueprint outlined in the last four chapters, and its adherence to the basic’ principles expounded in Part II of this book, the external policy of Nigeria may be expressed in more concrete and detailed terms as follows:
(I) The active promotion of international understanding, and of the universal brotherhood of man.
(2) The constructive and peaceful encouragement of the spread of socialism to all parts of the world, as the only economic and social concept which can eliminate greed and self-interest, and foster mutual love and altruism among all mankind.
(3) Active and enlightened co-operation with the other countries of the world, in so far as they genuinely believe in and respect the ideals for which Nigeria stands.
(4) Respect for the independence, sovereignty, and integrity of all States, and non-interference in their domestic affairs.
(5) Settlement of international disputes by peaceful negotiation either by the direct mediation of one or more countries invited for that purpose at till; it):,l<II11.I’ of” the disp~lliJlf’ States, or through the agency of the U.N.O.
(6) Non-involvement (i) in military pacts or acts of aggression; or (ii) in any treaty designed against the interest of any other country.
(7) The promotion of free and mutually beneficial economic intercourse and cultural and scientific exchange among all the nations of the world.
‘(8) The solemn observance of the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the UN.O. and of the O.A.U;
(9) The extermination of apartheid, and tf~e termination of the subjugation and inhuman treatment of Black peoples in Africa and elsewhere, and the mobilization for these purposes of the’ material, intellectual, and spiritual resources of all the States of Africa and their friends.
– The tactics which will; from time to time, be adopted in achieving these objectives will depend on the prevailing circumstances, at any given time. The policy, however) must never be abandoned nor should anything be allowed to dim Nigeria’s clear vision of it.
In pursuing and prosecuting the country’s declared policy, as set out in clearer detail above, compromises may be given and accepted. But the compromises must be such as do not in any way amount to the slightest derogation from, or even pretended abandonment of the country’s declared policy. In this matter, to adapt a journalistic maxim, external policy must be regarded as
sacred, whilst the conduct of external affairs is free within the bounds delimited by the country’s avowed and stated policy.
It is fashionable these days for all underdeveloped countries including Nigeria to describe their foreign policy as ‘non- alignment’, and to pride themselves on belonging to a Third World bloc. This, in our view, is a sign of an inferiority complex, or of confused thinking, or both. The external policy which we outlined above certainly cannot bear the label of ‘non-alignment’. If it is
necessary that it must be christened, then its name would be WORLD SOCIALISM.
It is also fashionable these days for many underdeveloped countries to seek to get the best of two opposing worlds by exploiting the deep-seated prejudices and insensate rivalry existing between the two power blocs: They insincerely and cunningly profess friendship with one bloc in order to induce the other or both of them to give financial and/or technical aids .. In our considered opinion, this is a most dishonourable mode of conducting a country’s external affairs, and Nigeria should avoid itwithout reservation.
In this regard, we do fully realize that courage of conviction and for truth has been a very rare virtue, down the ages. Nevertheless,
CONTINUES NEXT WEEK
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