Dr Roselynn Musa is a feminist, women’s advocate and the In-Region Gender Advisor/Gender, Women and Democracy (GWD) at the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI). In this conversation with Kingsley Alumona, she speaks about her advocacy work in Africa, women’s socio-political issues, among others.
Your work revolves around gender, power, and socio-political relations in African society. What academic qualifications prepared you for these complex endeavours?
Thank you for this important question. Interestingly, you qualified them as complex endeavours. I could not agree with you more. Gender-power relations are indeed perceived as complex, but in reality persistent patterns of inequalities in gender-power should not be complicated. This is because one of the most persistent patterns in the distribution of power is unequal between women and men, with males usually having a superior advantage over females. Emphasis on ‘usually’ because this is not an umbrella situation and to every rule there are exceptions. So we are advocating for equal opportunities for everyone to participate in leadership and decision-making.
The skewed general pattern that obtains at individual, community, and institutional levels shapes people’s opinions and dictates what is appropriate for women and men. This gas-lights people in their diversity — women and men, young, elderly, and so on, towards not what you feel is right for them, but what society expects of them.
For the qualifications that prepared me for my work, in addition to a PhD from Kenyatta University, Nairobi; a second degree from Lagos State University (LASU) in History and Diplomacy; and a Master’s degree in International Law and Diplomacy (MILD) from the University of Jos, a Management Course from Ghana Institute of Management and Public Adninistration (GIMPA), I have broadened my academic horizon with training courses in leadership, communication, gender mainstreaming, monitoring and evaluation, French language, and project management. My doctoral thesis was on women’s participation in elective politics.
How would you describe your method of feminist or gender advocacy?
My advocacy principles are person-centred and driven out of a passion for inclusion, empowerment, equal opportunity, fairness, and the need for everyone’s voice to be heard in decision-making. It is about an even playing field, softening the ground for everyone to participate, if they so wish. You would agree with me that everyone has a voice and an opinion, and it is important we all get an opportunity to project our voices. Not getting the opportunity to do so means stifling their voices and this can be disempowering and unhealthy.
How chaotic and unfair would it be if the court system, for example, does not have procedures in place and just clamps suspects in jail without the opportunity of fair hearing?
In a 2017 article titled ‘Women, equality, and African human rights system’ published in Pambazuka News, you argued that African women still lack the protection of human rights. But, it is safe to say that the same local and international laws or human rights instruments that apply to men also apply to women. So, why are women, even in this era, still crying about marginalisation and discrimination?
The same laws indeed apply to women and men, and both genders would have benefitted from them equally if they were operating from the same position. Imagine two people, let us call them ‘A’ and ‘B’ are climbing a hill that has three levels. A is placed on level two while B is placed on level one, and they are to start hiking at the same time. Who do you think would reach the peak first? A, of course. This is why affirmative action is needed to enable us have more women in leadership and decision-making positions.
It is about the added value that women also bring to the mix which the entire society benefits from. So, striving for equity and equality is not done in abstraction. It is a product of gender analysis.
Many people believe that when it comes to socio-economic and political activities, gender equity — not gender equality, as most feminists would advocate — should be addressed. What is your take on this?
By the way, gender equity and gender equality recognise that women, as explained above, are not in the same ‘starting position’ as men due to historical and social disadvantages. It advocates for making room for flexibility and graduated changes that will lead to transformation. Rome, as they say, was not built in a day. At the moment, there are only four female senators out of 109 in Nigeria’s 10th Assembly. If this number grows to, let’s say 20 in 2027, it is a substantial increase that is worth celebrating because considerable progress has been made. This is the rationale behind some of the bills women advocated for in the 9th Assembly.
People must understand that this strategy is a temporary measure that will be re-evaluated and discontinued once parity has been achieved. This state is what we refer to as gender equity. Gender equality is a vehicle that can be used to get to gender equity.
You once had engagements with FEMNET, a non-governmental organization (NGO) based in Nairobi, Kenya. What does FEMNET do and what was your work with them?
FEMNET is the African Women’s Development and Communication Network. You can surf the web to find out more about the network’s current activities. Activism is quite fluid. As with other areas, one’s experience flows into each other. Suffice it to say that in my work, generally, I subscribe to the contingency approach or ‘situational approach’ to dealing with interventions. It is premised on the belief that no set of rules, strategies, or methods apply to all situations. One cap does not fit all. It gives a lot of respect to all situations and looks at the interrelationship within and among the variables because each individual or group is dependent on others.
You have worked in Kenya, and now working in Nigeria. Between the two countries, which one has higher women’s representation in public and political offices?
If we were to go by numbers and using the parliament as case in point, I would say that Kenya has a higher number of women representation because the records speak for themselves. This is understandable because Kenya has systems in place that ensure a certain percentage of women in elective positions. The Constitution of Kenya 2010 contains an article which is quite favourable for inclusion. It provides that the State shall take steps to ensure that no more than two-thirds of members of all elective and appointive positions are of the same gender. Though they seem to be struggling with implementing this clause because there is yet to be a legislation to operationalise it. But, I believe they are making progress one step at a time.
You are the gender adviser at the National Democratic Institute (NDI). NDI witnessed the 2023 elections in Nigeria. What is your assessment of women’s participation during the elections, and what is your take on the number of women elected into political offices after the elections?
As the Institute’s name implies, NDI supports democratic institutions and processes around the world. We envisage a world where democracy and freedom prevail ─ a world where there is dignity for all. I would like to submit that democracy is not a new phenomenon in the country. I was a student of history at some point and got to study the role that women played in pre-colonial Nigeria. Our societies and ethnic groups practised some forms of democracy.
Right now, we have the president at the helm and power is devolved to parliaments, ministries, and so on. Power, even way back then, did not rest absolutely with an individual. It was shared with others — both men and women. A system where a few people decide for the others — just like in present-day democracy. Our history is replete with examples of women who played roles in leadership and were even in some cases at the helm in politics. Some of these positions were reserved solely for women. That is a form of affirmative action, or quota system if you will.
What kind of democracy or democratic mode would you recommend for the country that would make things work better than they are now?
Building on the point I was making above, NDI does not prescribe a particular democratic model but works to support any model a country has chosen. It is important to point out that no model is completely foolproof, neither is there one that is completely useful. They all come with strengths and weaknesses. But one thing I am sure of is that no matter how good a system is, it will remain good only on paper if it is not implemented accordingly.
President Bola Tinubu has said that he would look into the demands of those clamouring for the review of the constitution. If you were to be among those who would review the Constitution, what major things would you recommend in favour of women?
One thing I am impressed about in Nigeria is the opportunity to review and amend the Constitution. This takes place from time to time and it brings progress. The Constitution can never be a done deal. The fact that it remains an open document and a work in progress means there is always opportunity to include the yearnings and aspirations of more citizens.
I recall that the 9th National Assembly voted out the five bills that were focused on gender relations. Nigerian women have therefore articulated their voice in these bills regarding what would favour them. These recommendations are Nigerian women’s organic blueprint and it can be a good starting point.
The 2027 elections are on the way, and consultations and politicking are already going on in this regard. What do you think Nigerian female politicians could do to have a higher number of elected officers in the elections?
I agree that the time to start is not when Election Day is next tomorrow, but right now. But apart from this, I do not think it is up to the female politicians alone. It behooves on all and sundry to ensure inclusivity in the processes. We have quite a number of men who see the value and support of women’s inclusion.
The bill on special seats for women, which unfortunately did not pass in 2022, was co-sponsored by the Speaker of the House of Representatives and Hon. Nkiruka Onyejeocha and about 70 co-sponsors, mostly men. That tells me that we are all in this together — men and women, side-by-side. And it is not a competition of the genders, but a situation where the gender complements one another.
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