Political and constitutional objectives

Continued from last week

5. Priorities

THE priorities of the people’s republic of Nigeria shall be as follows:

1. The maintenance of political stability and, in particular, of harmonious federal union among all the national groups in the country.
2. Full employment
3. The introduction of free education at all levels, and the provision of free health services for all.
4. The intensive training of Nigerians to enable them, efficiently and effectively, to take over the management, supervision, and control of all our productive activities.
5. Modernisation of agriculture
6. The production of food crops sufficient to meet the requirements of a rapidly growing population enjoying a rising standard of living.
7. Increasing production of raw materials adequate for the requirements of our expanding industries.
8. Diversification, and increase in the volume of our exports sufficient to pay for our imports of

(i) capital goods and technical know-how, until we become self-sufficient in these two factors, and

(ii) such items of consumer goods as are essential and we cannot, for the time being, produce locally.

9. Self-sufficiency in non-durable consumer goods
10. The establishment of industries, like iron and steel, chemicals, petro-chemicals, tin plate, etc., which will serve as bases for the local manufacture of consumer durables and capital goods.
11. Self sufficiency in consumer durables
12. Construction of new roads-mainly in the northern parts of Nigeria where there is appalling deficiency in road communication, and to a much less extent in the southern parts; and the improvement and, where necessary, the widening of existing roads and bridges, throughout the country. .
13. Construction of good and adequate water-ways in all the riverine areas of the country.
14. The realignment and relaying of the railway from Lagos to Kano.
15. The enlargement of the Nigerian National Shipping Line fleet.
16. Rationalisation of certain categories of industrial and commercial undertakings.
17. Progressive socialisation.

 

Commentary

At pages 28 and 29 of Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution, I said as follows:, It must be generally agreed that the making of a constitution is not an end in itself. It is a means to the welfare and happiness of the people, the fountain of which, in a material sense, is economic prosperity. Of all the factors which conduce to the economic prosperity and, again in a material sense, to the greatness of a nation and its people, the most important is political stability. Without it, natural resources, manpower, and capital, whatever their quantity and quality, plus technical know-ledge, will avail very little.

In our view, three factors combine to produce political stability: the type of constitution, the form of government, and the calibre and character of political leaders in and outside government.’

It follows that the political and constitutional objectives set out in Chapter 4 must receive paramount attention. But since these are only a means to the welfare and happiness of the people, it also follows as a matter of strict logical sequence, that the economic and social objectives in Chapters I and 2 and 3, respectively, should equally command paramount attention.

In other words, each of the objectives discussed in the last four Chapters is not only important by itself but also indispensable to the continued and successful existence of the Federation of Nigeria, and the welfare and happiness of its individual citizens. They all form an integrated and strictly interrelated whole. You cannot pursue one or some of them to the exclusion of the others without courting disruption, and preventable disharmony. That is to say, you cannot, for instance, pursue the objective of full employment to the exclusion of free education and health services, or of modernization of agriculture, or of economic freedom, or of comprehensive social insurance, or even of the raising of pensionable age, and expect to achieve the ultimate goal of a full and happy life for your fellow- citizens. In other words, you cannot pursue socialist objectives by halves.

The sole purpose of setting out the above list of priorities, therefore, is to enable us to see, at a glance, the areas of crucial emphasis in our efforts to promote the welfare and happiness of our people.

Consequently, the list is no more and no less than an exercise in emphasis which must, of necessity, vary from time to time as the prevailing circumstances dictate. For instance, it will have been noticed that we have made only a passing reference to posts and telecommunications, and that no mention at all has been made of power or electricity, or ports. The reason is that, having regard to the prevailing circumstances-that is, to the works already executed and in progress in relation to these important factors our needs for them have been satisfied to a large extent and, on present estimation, will be fully satisfied for sometime to come.

In spite of all that has been said, it must not be taken that I regard all the objectives discussed in the last four Chapters, or all the items in the above priorities as equally important, or that I have necessarily set out the priorities in ascending or descending order of importance.

On the contrary, for the reasons which I have abundantly advanced in Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution, The People’s Republic, and in the commentaries to the last four Chapters, I regard the first five and the last items in the above list-that is, (I) political stability, (2) full employment, (3) free education and free health services, (4) Nigerianization, (5) modernisation of agriculture, and (6) progressive socialization – as constituting the cornerstone of the social edifice which I have sought to erect.

It is of extreme importance to reemphasize that the sole end for which this edifice is sought to be erected is the welfare of the entire masses of our people without a single exception. The practice is all too common for economists and planners to draw a line between so- called economic objectives and non-economic goals, and to treat purely social objectives such as education and health as non-economic. This is a gross and enormous misconception.

I hold two propositions to be axiomatic, namely: That man is the Alpha and Omega, the only dynamic means and the sole end, of all earthly human activities; and that any development plans is a failure with falls

Short of benefiting every member of society in accordance with his deed or need as case may be. In this connection, Beveridge insists, in his second’ rule of finance’ quoted at page 9 ante, that, subject to the overriding categorical imperative that total outlay at all times must be sufficient for full employment, such outlay should be directed by regard to social priorities.

It is my earnest contention then that all productive activities, indeed all earthly human activities, if they are to be meaningful, equitable, just, and human, should be geared to one and only one goal—the welfare of the individual.

It is necessary to point out that I have used ‘the welfare of the individual,’ advisedly, and as distinct from the welfare of the State, Or of the people as an undifferentiated aggregation. Since Keynes hallowed the macro-approach to economic analysis, the danger is ever present of economists and planners concentrating so much on the woods that they completely lose sight of the trees. But it is the individual trees that make the forest.

I fully recognise that the welfare of the individual is a compound of many objective and subjective elements. But the concrete avenues to it are now well known, thoroughly objectified and identified, and are no other than what we have been discussing in this book, and have particularly emphasised in this Chapter.

 

6. Institutional organisations

The institutional organizations of the people’s republic of Nigeria shall, in the main, consist of the following:

1. Federal and State Parliaments.
2. The following Bodies each of which should not only be high-powered, independent, and impartial, but should also be seen to be so:

(i) An Electoral Commission for the whole country;

(ii) Public Service Commission;

(iii) Judicial Service Commission;

(iv) Armed Forces Service Commission;

(v) Police Service Commission; and

(vi) Prisons Service Commission.

3. A four-tier administrative set-up as follows-

(i) A Commune with a population of between 5,000 and 10,000;,

(ii) A Local Government unit with a population of between 100,000 and 200,000;

(iii) State Governments; and

(iv) The Federal Government.

4. Efficient and well-staffed research units in all the major sectors of our activities.
5. Efficient and well-staffed Departments of Statistics, Survey, and Geological Investigation, for each of the State and Federal Governments.
6. National Planning Commission, State Planning Boards, and National Development Council.
7. Fiscal and Monetary Commission.
8. Allocation of Revenue Commission.
9. Nigerianization Commission.
10. Organisation and Method Units in all the Governments of the Federation.
11. National Education Commission.
12. Institute of National Guidance.

 

Commentary

1. and 2 (i). Parliament

The indispensability of Parliament in a representative democracy cannot be over-emphasized. In the absence of direct democracy, or of referendum or plebiscite on every single matter of public interest, a truly representative Parliament is the only organised, the most constructive, the most constitutional, and the most effective means by which the views, wishes, and grievances of the people can be aired and ascertained. It is imperative, therefore, that Parliament, whether at the Federal or State level, should meet often and regularly – not fewer than 180 days in the year – in order to avoid the danger consequent upon an unexpressed backlog and accumulation of views, yearnings, and grievances. It is also imperative, in their own and the country’s interests, that the Governments of the day should give Parliament the fullest scope and opportunity to debate, and, if required, vote on all measures of importance which the Governments want to take. By depriving Parliament these scope and opportunity, the Governments are only denying themselves the best and most responsible instrument for the testing and ascertaining of the feelings, wishes, and reactions of the people on any legislative, executive, or administrative measures they may be contemplating, or have taken.

To be continued