Osinbajo, who declared open the Eighth Commonwealth Conference of Anti-Corruption Agencies in Africa, where he represented President Muhammadu Buhari, disclosed that the model of spending was given by the Swiss authorities for the repatriation of that sum.
The Vice President had also told the gathering that the Global Forum on Asset Recovery, had facilitated efforts towards asset recovery and return.
He said: “The GFAR saw the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between Nigeria and the Government of Switzerland for the return of an additional $320m of the Sani Abacha loot.
“Included in that agreement is the commitment that the funds would be invested in one of Nigeria’s flagship social investment programmes, the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme targeted at the poorest and most vulnerable households in our country.’’
That the Swiss government gave such a condition is understandable as it is in line with the socio-economic welfarism commonly on display in the Western countries. But that the Buhari government chose to imbibe the advice without taking a close look at the peculiarities of Nigerian circumstance is worrisome. The Yoruba have a proverb that says, ile laa wo, k’ato somo loruko (a child is named according to circumstances at home).
In effect, the Buhari government needed to implement the Swiss advice in line with the peculiar circumstances in the Nigerian context.
Here is a country where statistics and data are the most difficult things to come by. The country has been unable to undertake its population census, which went due in 2016, no date has so far been fixed for that exercise; the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) charged with the responsibility of issuing valid National Identity Cards to citizens has been at it for more than four years and has so far been unable to register the population equivalent to that of the smallest state in the country. School enrolments are largely based on guess work. The country is used to quoting estimated population, estimated statistics, makes estimated planning and ensure estimated living.
So in a country, where all your data are based on estimates, conjured merely from some people’s heads, how do you reach the poorest of the poor with social investment programmes?
Though the Buhari government has been at it for three years now, no one has undertaken honest and independent assessment of the implementation. When in 2016, the Chairman, Appropriation Committee in the Senate, Senator Danjuma Goje cautioned that the N500 billion earmarked for social investments be put on hold to enable the government generate data to power the execution, he almost earned the appellation of an enemy of the people.
Since 2016, the conditional cash transfer scheme of the government has been in operation, but no one can surely say that accountability is an integral part of the programme. But accountability is the hallmark of anti-corruption. But then, who audits the books of the Federal Government? Auditor General’s Office? That’s another world.
Though the huge sums have gone into the budget in the name of the conditional cash transfer scheme each passing year since 2016, no one can say for sure how many school children are being fed through the school feeding programme. No one can tell how many old and vulnerable are benefiting monthly from the N5, 000 monthly package.
Except for those engaged in the NPOWER programmes, whose identities can be traced, the other components of the conditional cash transfer scheme are shrouded in deep secret. Even under the NPOWER programme, we hear stories of long delay in payment of the N30,000 stipend. I was once told some participants were asked to produce drivers’ license before their accounts can be credited after four months of delay.
Knowing that the conditional cash transfer scheme is bedevilled with so much data constraint why would Buhari and Osinbajo agree to deploy looted funds into such a venture? Maybe they overrate the sincerity of those who work with them. Maybe they underrate the enormity of corruption in the society.
By agreeing to deploy that money to the secretive conditional cash transfer scheme, Buhari may be opening his government to future ridicule.
The government of President Olusegun Obasanjo received some repatriated loot but chose to deploy the funds into the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation. Till date, no one can say with certainly how the money was spent.
Under former President Goodluck Jonathan, the same happened and it was thought that the administration would adopt the initiative of ensuring special appropriation for the sums after it approved lodgement in the Special accounts at the Central Bank.
With a benefit of hindsight, no one should expect Buhari to repeat the mistakes of the past. Especially as his administration prides itself as one battling corruption frontally.
For such a landmark sum, the government would have done well to either deploy it for some infrastructure projects that the eyes can see. Spending Abacha loot on infrastructural projects would have been more
accountable instead of deploying it for some stomach infrastructure projects. I hope in the future, sounds of ‘looting the loot’ or ‘re-looted’ would not rent the air when questions are raised about the $320 million Abacha loot.
and then