General Ishaya Bamaiyi’s book, Vindication of a General, has continued to generate controversies among former military officers and civilians alike, who were mentioned in the former Chief of Army Staff’s account of events in the days of General Sani Abacha’s regime and afterwards. KUNLE ODEREMI takes look at the issues.
VINDICATION of A General is the title of a book written by former Chief of Army Staff (COAS) of the Nigerian Army, Lt. General Ishaya Bamaiyi (retd). It is part of his own contribution to the increasing list of ‘codified’ accounts of men of the Nigerian Armed Forces during their usurpation of political power in Africa’s most populous country. Many of similar books paled into insignificance shortly after their public presentation that often had the trappings of a parade of men of yesteryear and their civilian acolytes. Some of those books authored by ex-top brass in the nation’s Armed Forces shook the nation’s landscape, creating a semblance of generals being at war with one another, unconventionally through verbal assaults. That appears to be the scenario the effort by Bamaiyi to ‘set the record straight’ on the action and inaction of him and other key actors, when the military held the most populous Black nation by the jugular for the greater part of its 56 years. Interestingly, two major themes have consistently formed the focal points of majority of the former military officers each time they chose to become authors on Nigerian political history. One of the fancied topics is the three-year civil war that engulfed the country and claimed more than one million lives between 1967 and 1970. The other area that fancies them is another dark era in the chequered annals of the country, during which the citizens were seriously dehumanized and almost cowed to submission by military dictators. Rather than exhibit sobriety and remorse, most of the authors have chosen to embark on an excursion of self-glorification and adulation, leaving the nation and its people to sulk and lick the festering wounds occasioned by periods of military interregnum.
A lot of people have questioned why the former COAS considered this time most auspicious to release the ‘bombshell,’ encapsulated in the Vindication of a General. As far as the national president of the Arewa Youths Consultative Forum (AYCF), Alhaji Yerima Shetima, it is curious that Bamaiyi had elected to sing long after the episodic travails Nigerians were subjected to by the military oligarchy. “Bamaiyi’s story is coming late. If you remember well, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha had come out to make some statements and there were plans to silence him. What Bamaiyi said is little compared to what Al-Mustapha had said. To me, you cannot continue to celebrate people, who killed this country and put us in our present state; they have long overstayed their freedom.”
To some of his peers and former colleagues, the action of Bamaiyi is only akin to a desperate ex-military officer seeking relevance in a political dispensation, having been devoid of the aura and awesome power of a military officer. Others see his effort as a paradox created by a garrulous and gluttonous military class searching for rescue and rectitude. There are still others who see his authorship as a man passionate about self-cleansing, having been part of the alter ego of a regime that remained a sore point in the history of the country. Of course, a number of other critics have interpreted his effort at having his name in cold print as a vengeance mission over perceived wrong and prosecution he suffered when the country restored civil rule on May 29, 1999. Another group of critics claim Bamaiyi has only engaged in shadow boxing on behalf of his masters, who have an axe to grind with some forces who felt sidelined now, despite the fact that they constitute part of the mistletoe creating severely haemorrage on Nigeria.
From all indications, Bamaiyi has spared no one, especially among the power brokers and political godfathers, as well as other prominent individuals and groups in his tirade via the book. His bullets went in the direction of former President Olusegun Obasanjo; another former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar; incumbent vice president, Professor Yemi Osinbajo; General Oladipo Diya, General Tajudeen Olanrewaju; Colonel Gabriel Ajayi (retd); the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO); and many others. While others have not dignified his accusations and tirades through public reactions, a number of others have fired back verbal missiles disparaging his account which to them was self-serving and tissue of lies.
A few instances will suffice about the direction of his ferocious missiles. Leaders of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), many of whom were forced into self-exile by the fistic regime of late General Sani Abacha, were tarred in the colour of traitors, whose action ostensibly led to the conundrum that the winner of June 12, 1993 presidential election that t was annulled by the military, late Chief MKO Abiola found himself. Bamaiyi apparently hoodwinked him to dare the military by declaring himself president based on the June 12 mandate only to be abandoned by the NADECO leaders. His words: “A lot has been said about late Chief Abiola’s arrest and efforts toward his release. The fact remains that NADECO members paid only lip service to Abiola’s release after deceiving him into declaring himself President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. If they were sincere and actually supported him, they would have accompanied him to where he declared himself President. It is also obvious that Abiola was abandoned after his death, which some people suspected that it had the support of some NADECO members. After Abiola’s death, one would have expected some reactions at least from Lagos, but there was no reaction anywhere.”
Next on the soft targets of Bamaiyi, especially over alleged nexus of intrigues involving top military brass at the dawn of democracy in 1999 were Obasanjo, Abdulsalami, Oladipo Diya, Aliyu Gusau, and others. Bamaiyi wrote that his prolonged incarceration at the inception of civil rule in 1999 was not just punishment for opposing the second coming of Obasanjo as president of the country. He alleged that the authorities were afraid he posed a security to the Obasanjo government. Part of his narration was thus: “As soon as Obasanjo took over, Gen. Abubakar and some of his people told Obasanjo that if I were left free, I would overthrow Gen. Obasanjo’s government. This did not surprise me because while we were in service, General Abubakar set up a secret investigation of certain people during the Abacha rule….When Obasanjo took over, some PDP big shots decided that based on the report, I had control of the Army and should be arrested. The government looked for avenues to arrest me. “They started by checking Army accounts to see if I had stolen money. They spoke to the Director of Army Finance and Accounts, DAFA, Maj. Gen. Omosebi who told them he had never worked with an officer who believed in accountability like I did. They felt disappointed.”
However, the spokesman of IBB, Kassim Afegbua, believed it was golden to be silent over Bamaiyi’s outburst in the tradition of the military institution. “The military has discipline and you don’t expect General Babangida to join issues with Bamaiyi.We can sympathise with him for the trauma and deprivations all these while but General IBB cannot join issues with someone looking for relevance to relaunch himself to national reckoning. You know the usual practice — drag IBB’s name into any discourse to gain recognition and attention — but we won’t grant Bamaiyi that generosity.”
The camp of Obasanjo elected to toe a similar path. His former political adviser, Akin Osuntokun, simply declared: “I think Bamaiyi is seeking relevance. It is not enough to level allegations, let him provide the proof. In public memory of those tragic days, he is remembered more as a villain. On the contrary, the history of Nigeria is likely to be kind to Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, a true officer and gentleman. With respect to Obasanjo, the principal suspect, who was subsequently convicted, Bello Fadile categorically exonerated Obasanjo upon release from prison. He privately and publicly apologised to Obasanjo, claiming he was tortured to frame him. With respect to Diya, there was verifiable evidence as to his culpability. What Bamaiyi did not say is that he was also part of the plot but turned around to set Diya up in return for being spared by Abacha. At any rate, a coup against Abacha was nothing to be ashamed of.”
However, on Bamaiyi’s insinuation on the circumstances that surrounded the death of Abiola, an elder statesman, Chief Ayo Adebanjo said: “I agree with him that MKO Abiola did not die a natural death. The authorities at that time should tell Nigerians what happened. They tell us more.’’ In a way, both the pan-Yoruba organization, Afenifere, and the national chairman of the United Progressives Party (UPP), Chief Chekwas Okorie, were on the same page over Bamaiyi’s concerning the circumstance of Abiola’s death. Okorie said: “Bamaiyi’s comments on Abiola’s death is a bombshell. Many discerning Nigerians have always had doubts about MKO Abiola’s death, that it was not natural. Major Hamza Al-Mustapha alluded to it at the Oputa panel. Nothing was done about it by the President Olusegun Obasanjo government, maybe because he succeeded Abdulsalami Abubakar. Now, several years after, Bamaiyi is coming out with a greater emphasis on MKO Abiola’s death. The government of the day must get to the root of the matter. We need to clear it for the purpose of justice and future of the country. I am in support of getting Abdulsalami Abubakar to tell us everything he knows, even if not in a court, a truth/open panel like was done in South Africa can be used to unravel what happened.’’ We demand a commission of Inquiry into Abiola’s death.” A statement by its publicity secretary, Yinka Odumakin said: “For Afenifere, we insist on a probe of Abiola’s death; we suspected foul play all along. For an inner member of the military cabal to come out and say this, we insist that the Federal Government must set up a Commission of Inquiry into the death of Abiola. Abiola may be dead and buried but his ghost will continue to haunt those involved in his death. This country will not know peace until Abiola’s killers are unmasked.”
A miffed General Olanrewaju accused Bamaiyi of trying to twist history. He said: “The point to note is that students of history must know what transpired in the 1995 and 1997 coup saga for posterity sake as against the misplacement of facts contained in the excerpts reported from the Bamaiyi’s new book. Ironically, the new book can open the eyes of all Nigerians to see the footprint of an ambitious soldier that Bamaiyi epitomises as detailed in every account of the power play, which appears unfavourable to him, but favourable to both General Abdulsalami Abubakar as Abacha’s successor and General Olusegun Obasanjo as 1999 civilian president. He lost out in the power play.” He added: “There are two main issues I want to correct. The first was the arrest of Gwadabe. In his book, Bamaiyi stated that General Olanrewaju briefed the meeting called by the then Chief of Army Staff, General Alwali Kazir (retd.), which was factually incorrect. What is correct is that the only person who briefed the meeting was the DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence), General Sarki Mukthar, whose duty it was to brief the meeting about security situation in the country.
“Following this, I was instructed by the meeting to facilitate the arrest of Gwadabe, whose brigade in Yola was under my command, while other commanders were similarly instructed to effect the arrests of others under their own commands. The instruction to arrest Colonel Bello Fadile was also given in the meeting. Fortunately, General Kazir and General Mukthar are alive today to testify to the truth of this matter. The second issue to be cleared is the 1997 Diya’s coup in his book, Bamaiyi claimed that “other meetings took place at a guest house with Gen. Diya, Gen. Olanrewaju, CO 7 Gds Bn, Gen. Diya’s security officer, Major Fadipe and me. Of course, General Abacha was always briefed after the meetings.” But, Olanrewaju denied any participation at the meeting, adding: “The said CO 7 Gds Bn and Major Fadipe, if called upon, will testify to the truth.I met Ishaya on two occasions; he met me in my house and I met him in his house, both times in Abuja. For avoidance of doubt and for students of history, the first time I heard about the Diya’s coup was when Bamaiyi told me and Aziza confirmed it. This is how my name was dragged into the coup and it has affected my distinguished career in the Army.”
Like other previous accounts concerning military role in the affairs of Nigeria, Bamayi’s book has only created another frontier on public discourse. The aggregate public opinion is that the factor of self-presevation cannot be ruled in all the shades of opinion and accounts coming from most of the key players during the period of military intervention, especially the civil war in the country. Already, some of those Bamaiyi frontally confronted with perceived facts about their roles, complimentary or otherwise in the past have promised to give their own versions of what they consider as the ‘whole truth and nothing but the truth.’
and then