There were other matters on onshore and offshore ownership tussle between Federal and State Governments and the last victory of Lagos State Government over the Federal Government was as to who has the legitimate control over the Coastal Foreshore in the Osborne foreshore case.
- Commendable Afenifere contributions to Nigeria’s development
- As a Movement of ideas, the burden of standing in gap for Nigeria against the successive military dictatorship and their military in civilian dress tyrannies have been the lot of Yoruba Nationalists and Activists principally along with other compatriots since pre-independence till the present time. At any critical time of strong opposition against tyrannical rule of successive Nigerian state, the greatest majority of the Leading Activists that are usually oppressed, dehumanized, incarcerated and sometimes declared missing are mostly from the South West along with Kwara and Kogi activists. There are statistical records to prove this assertion. The young Ikorodu political activists who protested the annulment of Bashorun M. K.O. Abiola Presidential victory of June 12, 1993 were shot at sight on Ikorodu road reliably on the directive of the Lagos Military caucus led by Gen. Abacha. And when we attempted to give the activists a befitting burial and the family along with us went to the morgue to collect their remains at LASUTH, the Abacha’s Intelligence Outfit denied us the grace for such burial. The parents were directed to collect the remains of their beloved children and go and buried them without any ceremony, another instance of slapping someone and denying the fellow the permission to cry.
- The Action Group and the Unity Party of Nigeria were constructed on relatively ideological platforms e.g.
Life more Abundant – for the AG
Democratic Socialism – UPN
For example, the UPN in the 2nd Republic had four cardinal programmes namely:
- Free Education
- Free Medical Services
- Gainful Employment
- Integrated Rural Development.
Therefore all elected party functionaries were conversant with the ideological philosophy which they must pursue and or execute while in offices. There was no room for divergent, uncoordinated and individualistic 5, 7, 9, 12 etc. points’ agenda of many State Governors as you now have. It’s even difficult to assess their performances because there were no agreed party irreducible minimum and actionable categorical imperatives to which they voluntarily subscribed.
- The Afenifere Leaders who along with other like minds and elder statesmen, retired senior citizens, professionals, civil society groups, students, women, religious and traditional rulers etc. established the National Democratic Coalition, (NADECO) have creditably led their colleagues to campaign vigorously for a return to Federal Constitution upon which Nigerian secured its independence in 1960. At great costs and risks to their lives, well-being and families, they have not stopped speaking the following truth among others to successive power/ leaders of the Nigerian State; THAT
- 1960 Independence and its follow up 1963 Republican Constitutions are the only legal and legitimate constitutions of Nigeria. Since the Military staged it’s violent toppling of Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa’s government in 1966, Nigeria had been governed arbitrarily and illegitimately, (stricto senso) through military decrees including the 1999 Constitution which was brought into existence by Decree 24 of 1999. All agencies and institutions created under those decrees even though they might have been supposedly transformed into Acts and Enactments remain illegal till tomorrow, since the law does not allow you to build something on nothing. The theoreticians who perhaps subscribe to the positive wing of jurisprudence claim that successful coup begats its legality are denying the fact that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria and remains the proprietary rights of the people from which governments derive their powers, authority and legitimacy.
- The decrees have centralized and unitarised the Nigerian State, suspended, and abrogated the negotiated Federal Constitution which recognized the unquestionable fact and reality that Nigeria is an heterogeneous country with diversities of language, religion, tradition, custom, artefact, folklore, more, moral which cannot be centrally legislated upon without national mutual mistrust, injustice, inequity, unfair play and willful and or total disregard and or respect for the protection, defence and consolidation of the rule of law. All these have led to high level of political instability and incohesion. The ongoing unbelievable National insecurity and the undisguised empowerment of non-state actors who have become more potent and dominant than the Nigerian security apparatus are clear indications of the negative consequences of centralization and unitarisation of the Nigerian State.
The current misrule (centralized and unitarised) is unsustainable having regard to the unconcealed, provocative and insensitive government policies and conduct. The unhidden nepotic Presidential appointments to sensitive offices, like the National Security Council, NNPC, Nigeria Custom, Immigration, NPA etc. in clear violation of Chapter 11 of the 1999 Constitution dealing with Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principle of State Policy, Section 14(3) which compels the observance of and adherence to Federal character principle make the current setting unsustainable. The usual resort to allegations of conspiracy theory that those who speak truth to power want to delegitimize and or remove the current government from office illegally or through the back door remains a disingenuous defence mechanism
The campaign to give education its prime importance
- The future of any nation as to its future depends on the standard and quality of education it gives her young ones. Chief Obafemi Awolowo as early as the 1950s was ready to spend up to 40% of the government income on education. Japan, South Korea of today not to talk of other ASIAN TIGERS have proven that a country that places high premium today on education and as a result is lacking in one or other services is most likely to win back in multiple folds what it currently lacks. After the USA bombed Hiroshima, Japan was busy teaching her young people under whatever shades it could find. Today, Japan is the leader in automobile, electronics, electrical, ICT etc. The same can be true of us if our leaders stopped been ungodly, immoral, and selfish. Their own wards study in elitist schools in Nigeria and abroad while the public schools are left to rot. In spite of UNESCO recommendation in 1976 that member nations should allocate not less than 26% of their budget into education, the Nigerian State for most times allocates averagely between 5-10% to education only to set up unproductive and corruption prone agencies for its administration. The underbelly of Nigerian education reveals that in some states, private schools are 500% more than public schools. Teachers in public schools particularly tertiary ones are equally on strike for almost 50% of school calendar. Those whose disposition to education is suspect and contemptuous of Western Education are the ones forced down on us to manage education for the whole country. The product of Free Education of 1st and 2nd Republics are leaders in various areas of Nigeria needs today. That is why anyone who wants to marginalize education in Yoruba land will always end up in shame and sorrow because education is the leveler that can make children from poor homes become top leaders of tomorrow. And our people will ultimately reject such political merchants who mostly got so elected through diversed electoral miracles/ manipulations to satisfy the interest of military loyalists, surrogates, acolytes’ sympathizers and conduit pipes to cover up their tracks.
Qua vadis Afenifere?
26(i) Since we have historically and factually established that Action Group was the registered political party but Afenifere had always being a Movement in Yorubaland of those who subscribe to Chief Awolowo’s Political Philosophy of Life more Abundant and that it was the Registers of Afenifere membership in Yoruba States including Kogi and Kwara that were used to register AD in 1998, it stands to reason that those who may still desire to pursue their political ambition outside whatever the «progressive» political camp adopted as close to the Action Group tendency should be bold and honest enough to leave Afenifere. The platform should no more be used for political expediency. The unfortunate inconsistencies of some of those who are associating themselves with Afenifere when it suited them only to railroad themselves into Afenifere again after their political misadventures and or miscalculations have negatively impacted on the credibility and acceptability of the Movement. After all, Yoruba tradition and culture support plurality of views and opinions but that the best of such should lead our Nationality. We all must be mindful of the Yoruba proverb which enjoins our people not to sleep and position their heads in the same direction. The others should be free to present their programs along with others from which our people should be free to make their choices.
(ii) The most important pre-occupation of any serious minded political group in Yoruba Nation today is to make room for reconciliation so as to unite their ranks. The past political misadventures and or miscalculations, unprincipled politics leading to inconsistencies of colleagues and their sister organizations should be forgiven in the overall interest of the Yoruba Nation if those inconsistent members resolve to discipline themselves and stop playing politics at all costs and or without any moral value. The situation is dire and we must fend off in one accord those who have contempt for our nationality values. It has been done before; it can still be done.
(iii) The various political platforms in Yoruba Nation must appreciate that their focus must be on how to legally and legitimately secure freedom and liberty for our people to pursue their individual and group ambitions to showcase their talents and ingenuity to benefit themselves and the society at large as Nigeria returns to Federal Constitutional governance which can guarantee all Nigerians fair play, justice, equity, respect for as well as protection defence and consolidation of the rule of law.
(iv) As a matter of relevance, significance and consequence between dedicated and unrelenting pursuit of ensuring that Nigeria returns to Federal Constitutional Governance and Parliamentary system of government on one hand and the rat race for 2023 election, those who have genuine publicly spirited commitments and have experience and deep understanding of the inter-play of forces in heterogeneous societies, the choice for them as a priority would most likely be unmistakenly for securing a federal constitutional governance.
(v) If you ask those running the rat race for any election what quantum of tangible gains have accrued to our people as a result of many elections that have been held since 1999? You probably will be amazed at their responses. Political operators and their minions and surrogates as well as their families may be celebrating their ungodly and immorally amassed and underserved wealth, but they should be reminded of the injunction from the bible “Godliness and Contentment is a great gain” «For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out”1Timothy 6:6-7. Our people are experiencing excruciating anguish and unbelievable level of poverty that must be arrested now and immediately before something gives. Some of us paid heavy prices to restore the current hybrid democratic/civilian governance currently in experiment. Those who have amassed so much money that they can always relocate to the middle east and western countries should be mindful of the consequences of their actions which have held Nigeria down without possibility of any progress unless we return to Federal Constitutional governance for the greatest good of all Nigerians. Those who have opposing views to the necessity for Federal Constitutional Governance in an heterogeneous society are welcome to let us do realistic comparative analysis of Unitarism and Federal System in an enlightened setting, not wanting to please the current power holders. There are enough credible and educative authorities that have intellectually provided superior rationale necessitating the choice of Federal Constitution in any heterogeneous geographical space or country.
(vi) We can decide to make a nation out of this country called Nigeria if Afenifere adherents resolve to bury the hatchet, unite their ranks and ensure that anyone who will seek for the votes of our people must prove his abiding faith in the just struggle for our liberation from this suffocating forced union whereby some have assumed a higher status of being the owners of the Nigerian project while the rest of us are treated as spectators and onlookers. The current national structure is unsustainable, and so therefore, pretentious unitarism and centralized governance can only permanently imperil the Nigerian project to which all Nationalities should have ordinarily and willingly subscribe.
May God Almighty grant us the grace to witness more AFENIFERE anniversaries. And may we continue to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living. Thank you for your attention.
ANNEXURE 1
Western election, 1951—colonial government public relations officer, Mr Cooper’s account
I also seek your indulgence to correct the false accusation by the NCNC about carpet crossing after the 1951 Regional Election by reading carefully without bias this Colonial account of event.
When the election into the Western Region House of Assembly was completed in November 1951, the Action Group was surprised it won only 29 out of the 80 seats contested. In fact, the (AG) lost in all the constituencies in Ibadan; the capital city of the Western Region, Nigeria and likewise in Lagos, the capital of Nigeria. The AG had expected that as the “party of the Yorùbá it would sweep the elections with ease, at all levels; and in so doing, form the regional government. However, in Ibadan, the IPP won all the six seats up for grabs while in Lagos; the NCNC won all the available five seats. The correct version of this history goes thus: To avert conflicting claims over candidates, Mr Harold Cooper, the Government Public Relations Officer, wrote to the parties to furnish a list of the candidates contesting election on their platforms. Only the Action Group complied with this request and its list of candidates was as follows: Ijebu Remo Division – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode Division – S.O. Awokoya, Rev. S.A. Banjo and V.D. Phillips; Oyo Division – Chief Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, A.B.P. Martins, T.A. Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun Division – SL Akintola, J.O. Adigun, J.O. Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola; Ondo Division – P. A. Ladapo and G.A. Deko; Okitipupa Division – Dr. L.B. Lebi, CA Tewe and SO Tubo; Epe Division – SL Edu, AB Gbajumo, Obafemi Ajayi and C.A. Williams; Ikeja Division – O. Akeredolu-Ale, SO Gbadamosi and FO Okuntola; Badagry Division – Chief CD Akran, Akinyemi Amosu and Rev. GM Fisher; Egba Division – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji A.T. Ahmed, CPA Cole, Rev S.A. Daramola, Akintoye Tejuoso, SB Sobande, IO Delano and A Adedamola.
The others were as follows: Egbado Division – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi, Adebiyi Adejumo, A. Akin Illo and P.O. Otegbeye; Ife Division – Rev S.A. Adeyefa, D.A. Ademiluyi, J.O. Opadina, and S.O. Olagbaju; Ekiti Division – E.A. Babalola, Rev. J Ade Ajayi, S.K. Familoni, S.A. Okeya and D Atolagbe; Owo Division – Michael Adekunle Ajasin, A.O. Ogedengbe, JA Agunloye, LO Omojola and R.A. Olusa; Western Ijaw Division – Pere EH Sapre-Obi and MF Agidee; Ishan Division – Anthony Enahoro; Urhobo Division – WE Mowarin, J.B. Ohwinbiri and JD Ifode; Warri Division – Arthur Prest and O. Otere, and Kukuruku Division – D.J.I. Igenuma.
Of the names on the list, only M.A. Ajasin from Owo Division, which comprised Akoko then, did not run because of party solidarity and unity in Owo. He stood down for A.O. Ogedengbe and R.A. Olusa to contest two of the three seats, which they won, while D.K. Olumofin won the third for the NCNC. Three secretaries of the Action Group, who ran as independents and won were: Alhaji D.S. Adegbenro, Egba Division; J.O. Osuntokun, Ekiti Division and S.O. Hassan, Epe Division.
At the close of polls on 24 September 1951, the Action Group had won 38 of the 72 seats in contention in the Regional Assembly. There were a total of 80 seats. Lagos had five seats in the West Regional Assembly all won by the NCNC in the election of 20 November 1951, while Benin had three won by Otu Edo candidates in the election of 6 December 1951. The poll had been postponed in Lagos and Benin following security concerns. Of the 68 candidates on the list furnished by the Action Group to the Government PR Department, 38 of the elected AG members were from that list. And they were as follows: Ijebu Remo – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode – Rev. SA Banjo and S.O. Awokoya; Oyo – Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, ABP Thomas, TA Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun – S.L. Akintola, J.O. Adigun, JA Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola.
Other elected AG members from the list were: Egba – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji AT Ahmed, Rev. S.A. Daramola and Prince Adedamola; Egbado (now Yewa) – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi and A. Akin Illo; Ekiti – E.A. Babalola and Rev. J. Ade-Ajayi; Badagry – Chief CD Akran and Rev. G.M. Fisher; Ikeja – SO Gbadamosi and O Akeredolu-Ale; Ife – Rev. S.A. Adeyefa and SO Olagbaju; Owo – AO Ogedengbe and RA Olusa; Epe – Safi Lawal Edu; Okitipupa – C.A. Tewe; Western Ijaw – M.F. Agidee; Ishan – Anthony Enahoro, and Warri – Arthur Prest.
In addition to the Action Group and the NCNC, there were local/divisional parties such as the Ibadan People’s Party (IPP), led by Chief AMA Akinloye; Ondo Improvement League, and Otu Edo of Benin. At the end of poll, the standing of the parties was as follows: Action Group 38; NCNC/Independents 25; IPP 6 and Ondo Improvement League 2. Otu Edo candidates won the three Benin seats, namely, Chief S.O. Ighodaro, Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie and Chief Chike Ekwuyasi. Chief Ighodaro opted for the AG, while the latter two went to the NCNC. And of the six IPP elected members, only Adegoke Adelabu joined the NCNC. The rest of them: AMA Akinloye, Chief DT Akinbiyi (who later became the Olubadan of Ibadan), Chief SO Lanlehin, Moyosore Aboderin and SA Akinyemi, opted for the Action Group. The NCNC National Secretary, the late Chief Kola Balogun had sent declaration forms to the IPP assemblymen asking them to declare for the NCNC but Chief Akinloye returned all the forms uncompleted.
The three AG secretaries who had run as independents – Adegbenro, Osuntokun and Hassan, five IPP members, one Etu Edo, and one Ondo Improvement League, Chief F.O. Awosika; and Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola (Independent, Ijebu Ode) had swollen the number of the AG elected members. All the transactions had taken place before the inauguration of the Regional Assembly on 7 January 1952. These were not known members of the NCNC, nor did the party publish their names on the list of its candidates. For over a half century, the NCNC is yet to provide evidence to back its claim that it had won the West Regional election in 1951.
Mr. Cooper absolved his department of responsibility for the controversy generated by the NCNC after the election. At a post-election news conference in Lagos he said that «Of the winning candidates, the names of 38 were on the list sent to me by the Action Group. The six successful candidates at Ibadan were all among those who had been identified to me as representing the Ibadan People’s Party. No claim of any kind had reached us about the party affiliation of the remaining successful candidates.» Why did the NCNC not send a list of its candidates for the poll to the Government PR Department before that poll? The records of the poll conducted in the West and all over Nigeria by the colonial administration are available at the National Archives and can be accessed by any honest researcher. In this matter, it is facts that speak, not what some political/ethnic partisan said or did not say, as shown below.
Faced with this set of circumstances, the Egbé Omo Oduduwa lured twenty victorious candidates on the ticket of the smaller rival parties to join the Action Group; thereby tilting the balance in favor of the party, against its primary opponent; the NCNC. Some of the leaders of the small parties were offered ministerial appointments to join the AG. One of them was Chief Augustus Akinloye who was appointed the Nigerian Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources; and who reciprocated by persuading four out of his five victorious colleagues in the IPP into joining the AG. The only IPP member who refused to join the AG was Hon Chief Adegoke Adelabu, who, instead, joined the more national NCNC.
The Ibadan electorate did not take kindly to the defection of its elected representatives on the platform of IPP to the Action Group. They used the opportunity of the 1954 federal elections and the 1956 regional elections to express their aversion of the Action Group. In the 1954 Federal elections, when both parties went head to head; the NCNC won 22 seats in the House of Representatives of Nigeria while the AG secured 19 seats. In Ibadan, the capital city of the Western Region, the ruling party AG secured just one out of the five federal seats up for grabs. The loathing of the AG by the Ibadan electorate was further demonstrated in the regional elections, which was held on May 26, 1956. Despite the fact that the election was held after the AG had been in power for five years, and had implemented significant social projects, particularly in the area of education; the results for 1956 were: 48 seats won by the AG and 32 seats by the NCNC. However, a closer scrutiny of the actual votes cast revealed that, the margin of victory between the AG and the NCNC was just 39,270 votes. The AG got 623,826 or (48.3%) of total votes, while the NCNC got 584,556 or (45.3%) of the total votes cast. The battle lines had been drawn; the ensuing mayhem and ruthless machinations that encapsulated the Ibadan political scene, degenerated and continued to spiral out of control until 1966, when the military seized control of the government, and banned all political parties in Nigeria.
In summary, the Action Group entered into an Alliance relationship with the Ibadan Peoples Party, IPP and others just as the NCNC went into Alliance with the NPC in order to form a majority at the National level. Except for pernicious posturing and unbridled hypocracy if the NCNC alliance with the NPC was not described as carpet crossing, that which was struck by the AG and others should not have been given negative/pejorative description.
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