Why next INEC chairman should not be a professor— Brigadier General Sura (retd)

 Brigadier General John Sura (retd), a governorship aspirant in 2023 on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and one of the key members of the party in Plateau State, resigned his membership from the party a few days ago. He speaks with ISAAC SHOBAYO on why he resigned from the PDP and how the party would fare in the 2027 elections.

The social media is awash with the news of your resignation from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Why did you resign from the party?

As I said in my letter, it was a personal decision and, of course, like a general, who I am, I will not want to go into a battle when I see my competent soldiers leaving the battlefield and the commander of the force is not taking charge fully. On that basis, you cannot be seen as winning a battle. So this is predominantly what led me to leave the PDP. At the national level, there is no cohesion and at the state level, a lot of people are leaving. The PDP is losing while the opponents are gaining. The situation in the state can no longer hold.

Again, there are other personal reasons that I have communicated to the person at the helm of affairs in the state. But most importantly, the interest of Plateau is not being protected, not being defended, and not being spoken about. I don’t want to go into rhetoric, but when the time comes, we will speak about these things. The current government in Plateau State we rallied round to put it in place. I believe there should be proper organs of communication.

Did you discuss your concerns with the leader of the party in the state or register your misgivings with the party’s organ before you tendered your letter of resignation?

As a person, right from the day after the election was won; I made efforts to get in touch with the governor. He never picked my calls. I sent several text messages, which he never responded to. In other forums as well, I tried to reach out to pass across information, but nobody honored me. I just felt there was no need to remain; maybe I was not needed, or maybe I didn’t have the intellect to advise. But the issues I wanted to raise were genuine concerns; things that would help both the government and the people of Plateau State. Unfortunately, I never had the opportunity to air my views.

You were the secretary to the committee set up by Governor Mutfwang to look into issues of the displaced people and other problems occasioned by bandits’ attacks on some communities in Plateau State. What are the recommendations of your committee to the government?

My brother, I was not even present on the day the committee submitted its report, because I didn’t see the will or way to implement it. The committee submitted the report around March or April and, till now, nothing has been done. It has been shelved somewhere, which shows there is no interest. I left before the committee [submitted its report]  because I didn’t see any seriousness.

My advice to the government remains: because it is still Plateau, wherever I am, I will always stand for Plateau. That committee report is very germane—one, for the resettlement of IDPs; two, for quarry development and restoring economic activities in the hinterlands. We proffered solutions on how to return displaced people, on how to curb bandit attacks, and on what should be done.

We proposed a three-layered defence line: first, the people; second, Operation Rainbow; third, the military or armed forces. All these are in the report. Vulnerable communities were identified. We also advised on quick military intervention where necessary. Altogether, about 170 communities were affected. We segmented them into four categories: communities where people fled out of fear of attacks, which can be resettled quickly; communities where buildings were damaged but can be rehabilitated; communities across five local governments where buildings were completely destroyed and need rebuilding; and villages that have been forcefully grabbed.

We also recommended restoration of basic infrastructure—churches, mosques, schools, health centers, water points, etc. For forceful ejections, only the military can handle that. So we recommended forwarding such cases to the president. But to date, no action has been taken.

Are you saying that you are not satisfied with the way the state government is handling this critical situation?

I am absolutely not satisfied. As a retired General, my colleagues and I, both within and outside Plateau, often discuss this. People know us as resilient and dogged Generals from Plateau. Yet, nothing tangible is happening.

Every military officer goes through basic infantry training before specialisation. No matter how junior, his knowledge of defence is better than a civilian’s. Retired officers can still contribute solutions. But, so far, nothing. How many times have you seen Operation Rainbow doing anything? Have you seen any synergy between vigilantes and government forces like the JTF operating with the military in the North-East? Nothing. It’s always rhetoric and storytelling.

The Nigerian Constitution is clear: every state executive has the duty to defend lives and properties. What is the role of the government here? Plateau is the only state authorised to set up a civilian security outfit—Operation Rainbow. Yet, no vehicles have been purchased for them, and no manpower has been provided. Meanwhile, other states with less insecurity are strengthening their own local defences—Amotekun in the South-West, Ebube Agu in the South-East, and JTF in the North-East; even Bauchi has one. Why not Plateau?

 In your personal assessment, what is the way out of this long-term crisis?

First and foremost, dialogue. And in that dialogue, traditional rulers and community leaders must be involved. While dialogue is ongoing, communities must be equipped with some level of self-defence.

If a particular community is attacked, hold the traditional ruler of that area accountable because people always know how attackers gain access. And while this is going on, Operation Rainbow must be revived as a matter of urgency.

It will interest you to know that Plateau State has never purchased even one vehicle for Operation Rainbow. Meanwhile, other states without this level of insecurity have operationalized their own community security outfits effectively. We have Amotekun, Ebube Agu, the JTF, and Bauchi’s local model all functioning. Why can’t Plateau? But not everything should be said in public. When the time comes and there’s opportunity, we will address it fully.

Coming back to PDP,  from all indications, PDP at the national level has begun the process of healing and reconciliation in order to reposition the party. What are the prospects for this? Similarly, why don’t you wait for the outcome of this before giving up?

What we see in reconciliation is that there must always be give and take. Some people must concede to other people’s demands, and others must accept apologies that are offered to them. For now, I hope they will be able to sit down, look at themselves face-to-face and tell themselves the truth. Once they do that, once they hug each other and agree that peace must reign, then PDP may be able to reinvent itself.

But it is gradually getting too late. The elections and primaries are less than a year away. How many people will they be able to convince, from the national level down to the governors and then to the state houses of assembly? These are the people that build up the party from the bottom to the national level. It is a two-way traffic. The ability to give, accept, apologise, and embrace each other is what will make it work. If they do that, maybe it will be okay. I hope within the coming days they can do that. But, honestly, I don’t see it happening.

The country is currently experiencing political alignment and realignment. There is a new coalition that has merged into African Democratic Congress (ADC). What is your assessment of the political situation?

 Looking at the behavior of our politicians, in any situation where there is a serious crisis, you will always have different groups agitating for their rights or for what they feel the other side is not doing. That is what is happening. Those leaving PDP are not happy with how the party is being run. Those not happy with the ruling party are also moving. Like minds are coming together to form their own agitation and thinking.

With this, we now have a kind of a tripod: PDP, the ruling party, and this coalition that has gone into ADC. But I think the real direction will be clearer after the conventions of the three major political parties. Even after that, up to the election itself, you will still see people jumping ship from one party to another, trying to join the winning boat. That is what will continue to happen in PDP, APC, and even ADC.

Do you believe that those stalwarts who left the APC and PDP to join the ADC have what it takes to alter the current narrative?

Even when you want to cross a river, you first test the water with a stick to see if it’s deep. For now, ADC has just entered the water, testing with its stick, and moving forward. Their ability to convince Nigerians of their vision and form a strong structure that people can work with will determine whether they can stand the test of time.

It is not going to be easy to form a new political party from different opinions and shades of thought. They must have a boardroom meeting, synergize, and agree among themselves before launching out. Meanwhile, the ruling party is also watching, preparing, and strengthening its own base—because nobody goes into battle without preparation.

Remember, the politicians in ADC are not pushovers. They know themselves and their strengths and weaknesses and will capitalise on them. I hope in the coming days we will see how it unfolds. For now, we are just watching from the sidelines.

Based on the outcome of the last off-season elections that were conducted in some parts of the country, there were complaints of irregularities. Do you think INEC has what it takes to conduct the 2027 elections without much problem or complaint?

For the past two years, we’ve had these off-season elections, one after another. If INEC was serious, it would have worked on the lapses identified and addressed them. But new issues keep emerging—while you block one gap, another opens.

They have managed with just a few elections, about 12 governorships and 16 federal constituencies. But imagine the multiplier effect when the general election comes, with almost 28 states and multiple constituencies involved! If the lapses are not addressed, there is a likelihood of serious problems. Unless we have someone with a brigade approach—serious, deep, and decisive—INEC may not deliver. Maybe we will have something slightly better, but not much. We are already approaching another election season, and the tenure of the INEC chairman [Professor Yakubu Mahmud] is still ongoing.

Based on the indices on the ground, those saddled with the responsibility of overseeing the previous general elections appeared to have failed the country, and now that the incumbent INEC chairman’s term is coming to an end. What are your thoughts on the calibre of person that should be appointed?

Honestly, I want to suggest this: we have tested different professors as INEC chairman. We brought in Maurice Iwu, a professor of Political Science. We had Attahiru Jega, an activist and professor. This current one is a professor of History and International Relations. I think at some point we even had a lawyer.

For me, if we truly want to see credibility, let us try someone outside academia. It could be a strong, respected judge—or even a retired military officer with international experience in supervising elections. These are people who are generally apolitical, who have spent their careers outside partisan politics. If such people are appointed, Nigerians and even the international community would applaud the president [Bola Tinubu]  and the Senate.

 Do you think this will change voter apathy in the country? The number of voters has been decreasing with each election due to the political class’s attitude…

(Cuts in) People will come out if they see a little level of transparency from the head of INEC. That alone will encourage citizens. But when they see the same old system, where credibility is questionable, they will stay back. But beyond the parties, civil society organisations have been calling for electoral reforms. There is still the Uwais panel report that has not been fully implemented. If Mr. President truly wants to leave a lasting legacy as one of the fathers of democracy in Nigeria, he must push through reforms now. This will endear him to Nigerians.

Sir, what is the next bus stop for you in your political journey?

Politically, for now, I’m taking a rest. I am watching the game from the sidelines. There are three teams playing now, and I’m observing. PDP is out of it because I’ve already left PDP. So, there are two other parties in the forefront. I’m watching to see which one is likely to score. If I’m invited to be part of it, why not? No one wants to go against the winning team—you want to be part of the celebration.

 So, apparently, you’re on the touchline, or are you saying you are likely to join APC?

If APC is going to win, why not? I also want to stand up for the champion. And if it is not the APC but another party, why not?

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