Many observers have consistently raised posers over what constitutes the agenda of the Igbo ethnic nationality within the larger context of the geographical entity called Nigeria. This is against the seeming discordant tunes among stakeholders in the zone on major national issues in the polity. KUNLE ODEREMI examines the issues surrounding the aspirations of the South-East as a unit in the Nigerian federation, its politics, challenges, especially under the fast-emerging political dispensation.
DECADES after the era of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and Dr Michael Okpara, Ndigbo are still nostalgic about the forays of the two icons in the corridors of power. Zik of Africa, as he was popularly called, was the first president and premier of the Eastern Region, while Dr Okpara became a premier years after the country gained independence from Britain. The duo are credited with laying the real foundation for economic progress, development and prosperity evident in infrastructural outlay, which was regrettably, later undermined by the 1966 military putsch.
The restoration of civil rule in October 1, 1979 resonated with Zik as the de facto political leader of the Igbo, who despite a stiff challenge for the soul of Igboland by the main position National Party of Nigeria (NPN), galvanized his people to retain political power in the zone. With his party, the then Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) forming government in states in the zone, the governors rekindled the hope of progression in development economic growth.
But, the quest for a president of Igbo extraction remained elusive. Attempts by a renowned architect, Dr Alex Ekwueme, former vice-president to Second Republic President, Shehu Shagari to break jinx was not successful though he came close to achieving the objective in the contest for the presidential ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He was overwhelmed by the intense brinkmanship of the northern power brokers and the Establishment. However, the political sagacity of Dr Ekwueme and like-minds across a broad political spectrum in the political arena made sure that the principle of power rotation became a cardinal and expedient norm to foster integration and inclusiveness.
The Obasanjo presidency was apparently magnanimous in victory after the 1999 general election. Igbo were given a sizeable number of ministerial slots, with many of them assigned what are generally regarded in local parlance as choice ministries. Succeeding Goodluck Jonathan was perceived to have sustained the trend, which triggered a wave of agitations by a section of stakeholders in the Nigerian project of ethnic marginalisation. Leaders of the agitators against the disequilibrium in representations in the federal cabinet had engaged the authorities on consultations and dialogue for the purpose of the government redressing the imbalance in political power and interest.
As President Bola Tinubu got set to assign portfolios to his ministers-designate, Igbo leaders raised their voice over the disproportionate structure among the six geopolitical zones. Pan-Igbo organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo rallied Ndigbo against what the leaders consider as sustained culture of marginalization of the Igbo in the scheme of things at the centre. Its President-General, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, claimed the Igbo had been short-changed with five states while other zones had between six and 10 slots. In his words: “This situation has placed the South-East in a very difficult position, politically, economically, and socially. Our political power has been reduced as we have a few senators and also in the House of Representatives; governors, House of Assembly and local governments.” Iwuanyanwu, who on a number of occasions aspired to be president of the country, said it underscored the sustained marginalization of the Igbo in all major government appointments by the government. “In federal revenue allocation, the South East is denied the revenue that comes on the basis of states. In federal board appointments and other resource distributions, we are strategically short-changed. We wish to observe that this situation was not caused by the current administration but
we however appeal to President Tinubu, to help us remedy the situation and restore justice, equity and fairness in Nigeria,” he stressed.
The subtle or subdued protest is also evident in the views that are being expressed by other stakeholders in the South-East over the imbalance in ministerial appointments. For example, Deputy Speaker, Ben Kalu has made a passionate plea to All Progressives Congress (APC) natioan chairman, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje on the matter. He elaborated on their discussion with the chairman: “We also deliberated on the issue of national balancing, loyalty and cohesion in the country in the spirit of the Constitution with regards to federal character, the way and manner appointments and projects are done, to see that balancing will increase national cohesion. We, as well, increased lobbying for the inclusion of more South-East indigenes among in the ministerial nominees. You know, we are like Oliver Twist. While thanking Mr President for remembering us despite all odds and despite our contributions during the last election, including ensuring that I emerged the Deputy Speaker of the House, for which the region is very grateful. We are also asking him for more because as a man that we know he is magnanimous, we want him to look into the possibility of increasing the number of ministerial positions for the region.”
Slots
A total of 47 names were forwarded to the Senate by President Tinubu for screening and confirmation. However, the five states in the South-East: Ebonyi, Enugu, Anambra, Imo and Abia got only five allocations. A breakdown of the entire list of ministerial slots shows that North-West has 10 (Kano, Kebbi, Katsina have two slots each) North East has eight (Taraba, Bauchi have 2 slots each). North Central has seven (Niger has 2 slots and FCT) The South-West has nine, with Ogun having three and Lagos two 2 slots). South East has five, just as the South-South has seven, with Cross River getting two slots. Thus, the configuration by geopolitical zones is that the North West has 10 slots; South West- nine; North East, eight; South-South, seven and the South-East has five slots. A further breakdown of the overall 47 slots showed that states with more than one include Ogun- three; Lagos- 2, Niger- 2, Katsina- 2, Kano- 2, Bauchi- 2, Kebbi- 2, Taraba- 2, Cross River- 2.
The list of ministers-designate comprises: Abubakar Momoh (Edo); Yusuf Maitama Tuggar (Bauchi); Ahmad Dangiwa (Katsina); Hanatu Musawa (Kastina); Uche Nnaji (Enugu); Betta Edu (Cross River); Doris Uzoka (Imo); David Umahi (Ebonyi);Nyesom Wike (Rivers); Mohamed Badaru (Jigawa); Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna); Ekperikpe Ekpo (Akwa Ibom) and Nkiru Onyejiocha (Abia). Also on the list are Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo (Ondo); Stella Okotete, who was later replaced with Festus Keyamo (Delta); Uju Ohaneye (Anambra); Bello Mohammed Goronyo (Sokoto); Dele Alake (Ekiti); Lateef Fagbemi (Kwara); Mohammed Idris (Niger); Olawale Edun (Ogun); Adebayo Adelabu (Oyo); Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim (Nasarawa); Ali Pate (Bauchi); Joseph Utsev (Benue); Abubakar Kyari (Borno); John Enoh (Cross River) and Sani Abubakar Danladi (Taraba)
The second batche included Ahmed Tijani Kwazo -Kano State; Bosun Tijani – Ogun State; Dr Isiak Salako – Ogun State; Dr Tunji Alausa – Lagos State; Dr Yusuf Tanko Sununu – Kebbi State;
Adegboyega Oyetola – Osun State;Atiku Bagudu – Kebbi State; Bello Mattawale – Zamfara State; Ibrahaim Gaidam – Yobe State; Simon Lalong – Plateau State; Lola Ade John – Lagos; Dr Mariam Shetti later replaced with Dr Mariya Mahmud– Kano State; Prince Shuaibu Abubakar Audu – Adamawa State; Professor Taye Mamman – Adamawa State;Senator Sabi Abdullahi – Niger State; Senator Alkali Ahmed Saidu – Gombe State; Senator Heineken Lokpobori – Bayelsa State; Uba Maigari Ahmadu – Taraba State and Zaphaniah Bitrus Jisalo – FCT.
A comprehensive list of ministers appointed by the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015 showed a preponderance of names from the North, with himself as the Minister for petroleum. The ministers and their portfolios include Chris Ngige – (Anambra) Minister of Labour & Employment; Kayode Fayemi- (Ekiti) Minister of Solid Minerals; Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers) Minister of Transportation; Babatunde Fashola (Lagos) Minister of Power, Works and Housing; Lieutenant Gen Abdulrahman Dambazau- (Kano) Minister of Interior; Aisha Alhassan – (Taraba) Minister of Women Affairs; Dr Ogbonaya Onu (Ebonyi) Minister of Science and Technology and Mrs Kemi Adeosun (Ogun) Minister of Finance. Others included, Abubakar Malami – (Kebbi) Minister of Justice & Attorney-General; Senator Hadi Sirika – (Katsina) Minister of State, Aviation; Comrade Adebayo Shittu – (Oyo) Minister of Communication; Suleiman Adamu – (Jigawa) Minister of Water Resources; Solomon Dalong – (Plateau) Minister for Youth and Sports; Ibe Kachikwu – (Delta) Minister of State, Petroleum; Dr Osagie Ehanire – (Edo) Minister of State, Health; Audu Ogbeh – (Benue) Minister of Agriculture; Udo Udo Udoma – (Akwa Ibom) Minister of Budget & National Planning; Alhaji Lai Mohammed – (Kwara) Minister of Information; Amina Mohammed – (Gombe) Minister of Environment; Ibrahim Usman Jibril – (Nasarawa) Minister of State, Environment and Hajia Khadija Bukar Ibrahim- (Yobe) Minister of State, Foreign Affairs. Cladius Omoleye Daramola (Ondo) Minister of State, Niger Delta; Professor Anthony Onwuka (Imo) Minister of State, Education; Geoffrey Onyema (Enugu) Minister of Foreign Affairs; Dan Ali (Zamfara) Minister of Defence; James Ocholi (Kogi) Minister of State, Labour & Employment; Zainab Ahmed (Kaduna) Minister of State Budget and National Planning; Okechukwu Enelamah (Abia) Minister of Trade, Investment & Industry; Muhammadu Bello (Adamawa) Minister of Federal Capital Territory; Mustapha Baba Shehuri (Bornu) Minister of State, Power; Aisha Abubakar (Sokoto) Minister of State, Trade & Investment; Heineken Lokpobiri (Bayelsa) Minister of State, Agriculture; Adamu Adamu (Bauchi) Minister of Education; Isaac Adewole (Osun) Minister of Health; Abubakar Bawa Bwari (Niger) Minister of State, Solid Minerals and Pastor Usani Uguru (Cross River) Minister of Niger Delta completed the list of 44 names.
Political expediency
The outcry of the Igbo over the inequitable representation in the ministerial list of President Tinubu has been given different political interpretations in different political circles and interests. Some perceive the development and tilt as a reflection of the political behaviour of the South-East electorate during the general election, where the APC performed abysmally low, particularly the presidential poll. Some mocked the zone that it only got five slots since Tinubu succeeded in polling just five percent of the votes during the election. On another hand, others rationalised the skewed representations to issues that have sustained the public outcry of Igbo marginalisation. Those who belong to such school of thought are probably regurgitating the views expressed, by the late Second republic governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Balarabe Musa, on what he considered the predicament of Ndigbo in the polity. Balarabe Musa said: “Sincerely speaking, the South-East has not had a fair share since the civil war. Their marginalization is quite obvious. But, if the policy of reconstruction, reintegration and reconciliation of the Gen. Yakubu Gowon and the late Gen. Murtala Muhammed’s administrations had continued, the agitation by the few Igbo for Biafra State would have been a thing of the past. It is the marginalization that is making a small section of the Igbo to agitate for Biafra. If the reconstruction and reconciliation had been sustained, there wouldn’t have been any need for Biafra because the number of those Igbo asking for Biafra is not more than 10 percent. The majority of the Igbo crave for a better Nigeria particularly because of their experience and they are prepared to fight for the unity of Nigeria. Majority of Igbo leaders have said in clear terms that they want a better Nigeria where they can expand because they are enterprising in nature.
In the build-up to the general election, a visiting fellow in the international relations Department of the London School of Economics, in an opinion piece, had noted the implications of the Igbo not producing president this year. In his analysis, in the event of the chance eluding the Igbo, he said the imbalance in the scale of political power will be ???: “If a Yoruba becomes president in 2023 and does eight years, power will then return to the North for another eight years. Thus, by 2039, the Igbo would have produced no president for 40 years since 1999. That’s not a fair way to treat one leg of the tripod of the largest ethnic groups on which Nigeria originally stood. Nor is that sustainable in terms of this country’s unity and stability,” he stated.
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