Single term for president, govs ‘ll kill motivation to perform —Ondo PDP chieftain, Akinwumi

Balarabe Abiodun Akinwumi, former aide to ex-Governor Olusegun Mimiko on Oil and Gas is a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and a former aspirant for the Akure South/Akure North Federal Constituency in Ondo State. In this interview with HAKEEM GBADAMOSI, he speaks on national politics and other issues. Excerpts:

With an accomplished career in law, what personal experiences or convictions led you to venture into politics?

Yes, academically, I hold a law degree from Westminster University, an MBA from the University of Dundee, and an LLM in International Commercial Law. I have also undertaken executive courses at Harvard and the London School of Economics.

But I’m extremely passionate about human capital development, especially for young people, women, and the underprivileged. My life has been about service, trying to bridge the gap between what people need and what they actually receive. With the capacity, network and knowledge God has blessed me with, I try to be a stepping stone for others. That’s part of why i find myself in politics today because I believe that if we can find our way to the table where policies are made, then we can advocate meaningfully for those whom the system often forgets. I am accessible, grounded, and straightforward. I believe in lifting people from poverty to prosperity, not just through handouts, but by creating opportunities for them to thrive.

What drives your ambition to serve in the House of Representatives, and what kind of leadership should your constituents expect from you?

If given the opportunity to serve, I’ll offer a new, transparent, and impactful model of representation. I want to be a voice for the voiceless and to protect those the system forgets. Our constituency has suffered for too long. In the National Assembly, there are disparities in how constituency funds are allocated. The difference often lies in the representative’s negotiating power, influence, and commitment to their people.

So I won’t just sit in Abuja. I will engage, negotiate, advocate, and ensure that we get what is due to us. But more importantly, I want to empower young people. Through the Balarabe Abiodun Akinwumi Foundation, we’ve already committed to ensuring that no willing young person is denied access to education or skill acquisition. If God gives us capacity, that is our promise. As a legislator, I’ll want to raise our education budget. Nigeria’s federal education budget is a dismal 6 percent, while UNESCO recommends 15 to 20 percent. I’ll push for an increase. Implementation is our biggest problem. Government gives direction, but the real work happens in execution. So, my oversight functions will be sharp. I’ll push for the establishment of tech hubs across Nigeria, places where young people can develop, grow and translate technological competencies.

Look at countries like Japan and South Korea. No natural resources, but they invested in their people. Education and innovation made them global leaders. Meanwhile, Nigeria is still crawling, despite our resources. I want to change that by investing in human capacity development, empowering youth, women, and the vulnerable.

Ethnic loyalty played a major role in the last elections. What do you think this means for the way we practice politics in Nigeria?

The implications are dire. Hunger doesn’t care about tribe. Insecurity doesn’t know your senatorial district. Poverty doesn’t recognise your ethnicity. We must elevate competence over sentiment. When you go to a hospital, do you ask if the doctor is Yoruba, Igbo, or Hausa? No. You just want someone competent. That’s how it should be with governance. In 2023, the South East and South-South largely voted the Labour Party. The South-West voted APC. Kano went NNPP. The North was split. It was clearly along ethnic lines. We must vote based on character, vision, and competence not tribe.

Given the constitutional implication, what is your opinion on the trend of politicians defecting from their original parties after winning elections?

It is deeply unfortunate. What we have in Nigeria today isn’t ideological politics, it’s more like a scramble for platforms. If you listen to different parties, it’s almost the same. We’ll build roads, schools, infrastructure, improve the economy…” There’s very little real engagement in ideological principles. And that’s a problem.

We must understand that to build a nation, we must first build its people. Infrastructure without investing in human development is meaningless. Our constitution is clear. If you’re elected under a party and you defect without any serious internal crisis in your party, you’re supposed to lose your seat. The truth is, when you win an election on a party’s platform, that mandate belongs to the party. Taking that mandate to another platform breaks trust. It weakens democracy. And because there are no consequences, it continues. We need stronger institutions. The political class must have the courage to respect the law, not just when it suits them. Until we enforce consequences for political transgressions, impunity will continue.

We’ve seen increasing efforts by the ruling party to infiltrate and weaken opposition parties. In your view, how should the opposition respond to this tactic?

That’s always a tactic: government trying to weaken opposition from the inside. And sadly, many opposition parties today have been infiltrated or compromised. NNPP is a shadow of itself. The Labour Party, at this point, feels like it’s missing in action. The SDP is struggling. Now, PDP and ADC still have some standing, but they must prepare for these kinds of attacks. The leaders of these parties are highly experienced and very senior politicians. They should know the game. They must stay united, stay vigilant, and prioritise national interest above selfish ambitions. This is not the time to let ego or personal ambition get in the way. This is a moment of reckoning. The only way the opposition can remain relevant is by standing firm, staying united, and committing to a cause greater than themselves.

Some opposition governors recently defected to the APC. What do you think is driving these defections?

It may be associated with fear and self-preservation. As Adams Oshiomhole once said, “Once you join APC, your sins are forgiven.” So maybe they’re trying to protect themselves. But governance should not be a tool of oppression. And the office of the president should not be used as an instrument of fear. The president himself has a history of being oppressed. He understands what it means to be on the receiving end of injustice. I don’t believe he should allow the same thing to happen under his watch. Still, the power lies with the people. In 2023, we saw governors in the so-called “G5” lose their senatorial bids. They couldn’t even deliver their own elections. That shows you where real power resides. You can’t tell me a governor, beyond his appointees and loyalists, controls the people. People now understand the power they wield. These governors are just trying to find a safe landing.

Do you believe the emerging coalition movements can provide a credible alternative to the current power structure?

I wouldn’t describe it as a coalition against the president. Rather, I believe it’s a coalition for Nigerians, a movement forming to represent the interests of all, not just a few.

This isn’t about removing one man from power. It’s about creating a platform where no single individual or group holds control. Many of the existing parties have already been hijacked by entrenched interests. For instance, the NNPP has been infiltrated, as has the Labour Party and the SDP. What is needed is a truly inclusive political platform, one that isn’t beholden to a godfather or faction. A genuine coalition of Nigerians. That, in my view, is what this movement is striving to become

Money has become a dominant factor in Nigerian elections. What are your thoughts on this, and how can we reclaim electoral integrity?

It’s deeply worrying. Money now plays a central role, and I am concerned that voters are encouraged to sell their future for a few naira. People say, “Let me collect something now. After all, it’s my turn to benefit.” But then they may suffer for another four years. That’s why I keep calling for stronger institutions. If anti-corruption agencies work as they should, both the giver and taker of bribes will be punished. But now, no one fears the law. Election is clearly manipulated, they say, “Go to court.” And when you do, nothing happens. If we don’t reform our electoral process, we are headed for anarchy. The social contract is breaking down. We need electoral reform and we must implement the Justice Mohammed Uwais’ panel recommendations.

Some have proposed a single tenure of five to seven years for governors and the president. Do you support this idea? Why or why not?

No, I wouldn’t. I don’t support a single term at all. The better approach is to strengthen our institutions, not reduce accountability. If you give someone a single term, they have no motivation to perform; they’re not coming back anyway. Look at other developed countries and tell me which one of them operates single-term presidency? They allow voters to hold leaders accountable by reelecting or rejecting them. With a single term, you risk giving someone four or five years to do as they please, without consequences. Let people have the chance to choose again after four years. That’s democracy.

Many Nigerians are calling for the restructuring of the country. What specific reforms do you believe are most urgent, and how would you implement them?

Restructuring is absolutely the way forward for Nigeria. We need to restructure our political and economic framework in a way that empowers the states. For example, here in Ondo State, we have untapped resources, bitumen (the second largest deposit in the world), gold, silica, limestone, all in abundance just lying dormant.  I practise corporate and commercial law, particularly in sectors like oil and gas, solid minerals, infrastructure, and banking. I’ve seen firsthand how natural resources can either widen inequality or drive prosperity depending entirely on who’s in charge and how they lead.

Currently, natural resources are under the exclusive legislative list, meaning only the federal government has control. This must change. These resources should be moved to the concurrent list, allowing both federal and state governments to participate. That way, states can issue licenses, attract investment, and generate their own revenues.

And beyond resource control, restructuring should also include serious consideration of our system of government. The presidential system we operate is not only costly but also inefficient. Perhaps it’s time to consider a parliamentary system, which is more affordable and adaptable. Look at countries like the UK. In a parliamentary system, if a leader underperforms, their party can remove them through a vote of no confidence, no need to wait four years. Governance becomes more accountable, and leadership more responsive. If we truly want to unlock Nigeria’s potential, restructuring isn’t optional, it is essential.

What’s your stance on the creation of state police as a solution to Nigeria’s security challenges?

Absolutely. State police is long overdue. Amotekun proved that locals know their terrain better. If you deploy officers from Adamawa to Ondo, it may take them months to learn the environment. Meanwhile, crimes are being committed every day. State police will ensure that locals protect their own communities. It exists in many parts of the world. It won’t remove the powers of the federal police; it will complement it. But it must come with clear funding frameworks and accountability. We need a legal structure that allows it to thrive.

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