Aliyu’s multi-pronged strategy against insecurity in Sokoto

WHEN Governor Ahmed Aliyu assumed office in 2023 as the governor of Sokoto State, his administration rolled out a 9-point “smart agenda” focusing on key developmental goals, security, youth empowerment, economic growth, water supply, education, environment, agriculture, religious affairs, and local government autonomy. Among these, security has emerged as the most pressing challenge and unarguably the most defining test of his leadership,because of the impact.

In recent years, Sokoto State has been caught in the crosshairs of banditry, rural violence, and growing insecurity, part of a broader national trend afflicting the North-West zone. While debates on the decentralization of Nigeria’s policing system specifically the establishment of state police—continue at the federal level, some state governments are not waiting for the constitutional amendments. Governor Aliyu stands among those that have taken proactive, localized steps to counter insecurity within existing legal frameworks. From the outset, Aliyu made it clear that tackling insecurity would be a priority. His administration has funded federal security agencies operating within the state and established supplementary structures, such as the Sokoto State Community Guard Corps, which now operates with over 40 Hilux vans and 700 motorcycles. Over 170 patrol vehicles have equally been distributed to various security agencies, and allowances for personnel stationed in volatile areas have been increased.The governor has also invested in upgrading security infrastructure. The Department of State Services (DSS) now operates with upgraded 5G tracking systems. A new military base is under construction in Illela Local Government Area, and an Air Force base has been operationalized, a move intended to bolster surveillance and rapid response capabilities.

In a state where the rural communities have borne the brunt of violence, Governor Aliyu has made multiple condolence visits, notably to Silame, Wurno, Rabah, Tureta, and Dange/Shuni LGAs, which have seen recent spikes in bandit attacks. In Silame, where 33 people were killed in one such attack, his government distributed ₦66 million and 165 bags of rice to affected families, an emergency humanitarian response meant to provide immediate relief.

Beyond material support, the governor has taken a tough rhetorical stance. He recently warned critics and commentators not to politicize security issues, labeling such discourse as harmful to the ongoing efforts. He has also instructed security agencies to treat informants aiding bandits “in the same way as the bandits themselves”, a statement that drew praise from various quarters. Aliyu’s administration has clearly signaled a zero-tolerance policy towards individuals who assist criminal groups, particularly informants within local communities. Speaking during visits to Wurno and Rabah local governments the governor encouraged residents to report suspicious behavior especially individuals living beyond their apparent means. He also announced plans to present a bill prescribing stiff penalties for those found to be aiding banditry. Religious leaders have also been enlisted in the fight. The governor has called on Imams of Jumu’at and daily prayer mosques to educate their congregations on the Islamic perspective regarding criminality and the consequences of abetting violence. While such initiatives reflect a comprehensive approach, as usual critics who while in power abdicated responsibility want the government not to adopt punitive measures. Because they are not aware of what the government is doing they continue to proffer solutions –  addressing rural poverty, unemployment, and lack of education – which the government had already integrated as part of its strategy.

Significantly, the administration is not relying solely on military and enforcement strategies. In June, Col. Ahmed Usman (rtd), the Governor’s Special Adviser on Security, stated that the state government is open to dialogue with repentant bandits. “We will wholeheartedly welcome any development that promotes peace,” he said, adding that many conflicts globally have ended through negotiation rather than force.

This dual approach- combining kinetic action with non-violent peace-building marks a notable shift from previous hardline strategies pursued by some northern states. The state government believes that some of the violence is being driven not only by criminal intent but also by inter-communal grievances, economic exclusion, and a lack of state presence in remote areas. As expected not everyone agrees with the idea of dialogue. Some civil society groups and victims of attacks argue that engaging with violent actors could embolden others and weaken trust in the justice system. Others, however, point to examples in Zamfara and Katsina States, where dialogue efforts, though imperfect, have at times reduced violence. The security crisis in Sokoto State has no doubt taken a heavy humanitarian toll. In August, renewed attacks in Tureta and Dange/Shuni LGAs displaced hundreds of families. Women and children have fled to bushes, open fields, and under trees, often without food, water, or shelter. “I have not entered my house in three months,” said Halima, a mother of four from Tureta. “Every night, we sleep under a tree. We live in fear, not knowing if the next sound we hear will be the bandits.”

This level of displacement has disrupted farming activities, local economies, and school attendance, compounding the state’s development challenges. Insecurity in Sokoto mirrors a nationwide trend of deteriorating safety in rural areas. The impact is far-reaching, the closure of markets and schools, decline in food production, collapse of small businesses, and a halt in local governance. Because unless addressed comprehensively, these issues could deepen structural inequalities, increase radicalization risks among youth and affect investor  confidence the government is more than determined to defeat the bandits.

Governor Aliyu’s strategy so far demonstrates a mix of enforcement, humanitarian intervention, and policy reform. His administration’s investment in security infrastructure and personnel has been widely acknowledged, and the creation of the Community Guard Corps represents a tangible effort to improve rural surveillance and rapid response. Still, questions remain, are the current investments sustainable without broader federal support or international partnerships? Experts believe that long-term success depends on integrated development planning, beyond emergency responses. Sokoto, like other conflict-affected states, needs a multi-sectoral recovery plan that includes education, agriculture, youth empowerment, and social cohesion efforts. Governor Aliyu’s handling of Sokoto’s security crisis has been marked by urgency, assertiveness, and a willingness to experiment with new models of subnational intervention. His administration’s readiness to engage both militarily and diplomatically suggests a shift toward more nuanced governance in a region long plagued by violence.

Still, the road ahead is steep. While immediate interventions patrol vehicles, military bases, humanitarian aid are necessary, long-term peace will hinge on building trust, addressing root causes, and empowering local communities. Sokoto’s security strategy, if it maintains its current trajectory, could serve as a blueprint for other states facing similar challenges. But for now, the people of Sokoto await tangible and lasting relief, hoping that the promises of their governor will translate into the peace and stability they so urgently need.