•Says what we are seeing now is like Abacha era
The former Governor of Sokoto State and leader of All Democratic Congress in Sokoto State, Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, hosted newsmen in an interview shortly after the state congress of the party recently. Our correspondent, Olakunle Maruf, bring the excerpts.
At the recent ADC congress in Sokoto State, you made a strong statement that the Tinubu-led administration did not want the opposition to succeed. Can you explain what you meant by that?
Thank you. I have made this point repeatedly, and I believe it is becoming increasingly evident to anyone who is paying attention to Nigeria’s political landscape. What we are witnessing is a pattern where opposition parties are persistently weakened by internal crises, while the ruling party appears to remain relatively stable.
The implication is that there is an underlying agenda to ensure that no other political platform thrives or presents a credible alternative to the APC. When you observe the frequency and intensity of crises within opposition parties—whether it is the PDP, the Labour Party, or others—you begin to see a pattern that raises serious questions.
This is not entirely new in Nigerian political history. It reminds some of us of the transition period under the late General Sani Abacha, when political parties, despite their differences, ended up aligning behind a single candidate.
That era was famously described by the late Chief Bola Ige as the “five fingers of a leprous hand.” What we are seeing today may not be identical, but there are worrying similarities in the sense that opposition voices appear to be systematically weakened or neutralised.
For instance, there have been situations where it seemed that the stability of certain parties was tied to whether particular individuals remained within them or stepped aside. Once those individuals left, the internal conflicts suddenly eased.
These developments may not be coincidental, and they deserve careful scrutiny by Nigerians.
Ultimately, the health of a democracy depends on the strength of its opposition. When opposition parties are consistently destabilised, it limits the choices available to the electorate and weakens democratic competition.
You also said that the 2027 elections will essentially be between the President, the governors, and the Nigerian people. Can you clarify this statement?
Certainly. What I meant is that the political dynamics leading up to 2027 are shaping up in a way that goes beyond the traditional contest between parties. It is increasingly becoming a contest between those in positions of power and the general population.
Let me take you back to August 2018. At that time, I was a sitting governor under the APC. Despite the pressure from influential figures within the party, I made the decision to leave because I was not satisfied with how the government was being run. That decision was based on principle, not convenience.
Fast forward to today, and we are seeing a different trend. Many governors and political actors are moving into the APC, even though the socio-economic conditions in the country have arguably worsened.
If you look at key indicators—security, unemployment, inflation, and general living standards—there are significant challenges facing Nigerians.
So, the question arises: what is driving this movement toward the ruling party? One explanation that is often suggested is the perception that political power at the centre provides a form of protection or advantage during elections. There is a belief in some quarters that control over key institutions could influence electoral outcomes.
This perception, whether accurate or not, is shaping political behaviour. Politicians are making strategic calculations based on what they believe will secure their positions. However, in doing so, they may be underestimating the Nigerian people.
At the end of the day, elections are about the will of the people. Nigerians are increasingly aware of their circumstances and are paying attention to governance outcomes. So, while political actors may align themselves with power, the ultimate decision will rest with the electorate.
That is why I say the 2027 elections will be a contest between those in authority and the Nigerian people themselves.
With the ADC now positioning itself as a major opposition platform, there are concerns that internal struggles—especially over who becomes the presidential candidate—could destabilise the party. How do you address those concerns?
Those concerns are understandable, but they are also part of the democratic process. In any serious political party, especially one that is growing rapidly and attracting diverse interests, there will naturally be competition for leadership positions.
The key is how that competition is managed. Within the ADC, we are committed to democratic principles. If there is consensus among stakeholders on a particular candidate, then that is a legitimate and acceptable outcome. However, if consensus cannot be achieved, we have a well-established mechanism in the form of party primaries.
We have precedents in Nigerian politics that show this can work. In the APC, for example, multiple strong candidates contested for the presidential ticket at one point. Despite the intensity of that contest, once a winner emerged, the party was able to close ranks and move forward collectively.
There is no reason why the ADC cannot achieve the same. What matters is transparency, fairness, and a shared commitment to the party’s broader goals. As long as those principles are upheld, internal competition will strengthen rather than weaken the party.
There is insinuation that “banana peels” being placed in the way of the ADC by the ruling party. Yet, the party appears to be gaining momentum. What is driving this growth?
The phrase “banana peels” refers to the various obstacles—political, legal, and administrative—that are sometimes placed in the path of opposition parties. These could include contentious interpretations of court rulings, bureaucratic delays, or other forms of pressure designed to create uncertainty.
Despite these challenges, the ADC is experiencing significant growth. One of the most encouraging signs is the level of public interest. Within a very short period, hundreds of thousands of Nigerians registered with the party. That is not something that can be manufactured—it reflects genuine grassroots engagement.
People are looking for alternatives. They are evaluating their options and making conscious decisions about where to place their support. The enthusiasm we are seeing is organic, and it cuts across different segments of society.
Of course, we are not naïve about the challenges ahead. We know that there will be attempts to slow us down or create divisions. However, we are focused on building strong internal structures and maintaining unity. While others may be setting traps, we are equally committed to navigating and dismantling them.
If the ADC were to form the federal government, what key changes should Nigerians expect?
The priorities are quite clear. First and foremost is security. Without security, no meaningful development can take place. An ADC-led government would address insecurity decisively, using a combination of strategic, technological, and community-based approaches.
Beyond security, we would focus on the economy—particularly on reducing hardship and creating opportunities. Unemployment remains a major challenge, especially among young people. We would implement policies aimed at job creation, support for small and medium enterprises, and economic diversification.
Education and agriculture would also be central to our agenda. Education is the foundation of long-term development, and it requires sustained investment and reform. Agriculture, on the other hand, has the potential to provide both food security and employment if properly managed.
Power supply is another critical area. Reliable electricity is essential for industrial growth and overall economic productivity.
In essence, the goal is to create a government that is responsive, accountable, and focused on improving the daily lives of Nigerians.
How would you assess the turnout and overall success of the ADC State Congress in Sokoto?
The Congress was a significant milestone for the party. It was the first of its kind at that scale, and the turnout was very impressive. What stood out was not just the number of people, but the level of enthusiasm and commitment.
The participation was largely organic, which is very important. It shows that people are not just attending events out of obligation, but because they genuinely believe in what the party represents.
This kind of engagement is essential for building a sustainable political movement. It gives us confidence that the ADC has the potential to grow into a major force in Nigerian politics.
Some PDP leaders in Sokoto have accused you of still influencing the party and even restricting defections. How do you respond to those allegations?
I find those allegations quite misplaced. The individuals involved are experienced politicians who are fully capable of making their own decisions. They have their own structures, their own constituencies, and their own political calculations. I am sure they are more experience in politics than the individual who make the allegation.
It would be inaccurate to suggest that any one person is controlling their actions. Politics is dynamic, and people make choices based on a variety of factors.
I respect their independence, and I believe they should be allowed to operate without unnecessary speculation about external influence.
There is also a perception that you still control the PDP structure in Sokoto. Is there any truth to that?
That perception does not reflect reality. Political structures are not static, and they are certainly not owned by individuals in the way some people imagine.
While I have been part of the political landscape for a long time and have worked with many people, it would be incorrect to say that I control any party structure.
Ultimately, political actors are responsible for their own decisions and actions.
Finally, what is your view on the Nigerian Bar Association’s position regarding judicial interference in party affairs?
The Nigerian Bar Association is not taking a political position; it is simply restating established legal principles. There are numerous Supreme Court judgments that clearly affirm that internal party matters should be handled within the parties themselves.
Judicial intervention in such matters is generally discouraged because it can undermine the autonomy of political organisations.
So, what the NBA is doing is drawing attention to the law as it stands. It is important for all stakeholders to respect these legal boundaries in order to maintain the integrity of the democratic process.
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