The People’s Republic: How they rule

FROM 1949 to 1950 when proposals for the Macpherson Constitution were considered and settled, there were no political parties with regional, let alone country-wide following and influence in Nigeria. The only two political parties in the country confined their activities and membership chiefly to Lagos; and had, at the material time, sunk into a state of irretrievable decay. Consequently, the provisions of the constitution relating to Ministers had been framed in the firm belief, in British official circles, that a party system would not emerge in Nigeria until long after the introduction of the constitution. But Macpherson and his colleagues had miscalculated.

Shortly before the commencement of the series of elections under the new constitution, two virile political parties, with extensive region-wide-one of them with some country-wide – following and influence, had emerged. Each was determined to win the forthcoming elections in the region or regions of its base, or where it could muster enough support, in order to form the new administration there. Attention was concentrated mainly in the regions first because they provided the ladder to the Centre, and secondly, because it was there alone, as the constitution stood, that a party system could be made to work. After the elections, but before candidates were proposed for election as ministers, a third party of strong regional standing emerged.

The immediate effect of this sudden and unexpected emergence of a party system was twofold. In the first place, nearly all those ‘good’ men in the South, who had been so much beloved by British officials, and on whom the latter had banked for co-operation in working the new constitution, had been defeated at the elections.

The ‘good’ men of the North and the handful of them in the South, who had won the elections on their own individual merits, were impelled by sheer force of public opinion to become partisan politicians by teaming up openly with one or other of the new political parties. As a result, the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor were completely deprived of the services and support of their erstwhile faithful collaborators.

In the second place, before they could attune their minds and adjust themselves to the novel situation, the Governor and the Lieutenant-Governors had been made, by irresistible pressure, to substitute the advice of political leaders for their own discretion, in the exercise of certain powers vested in them by the letters of the constitution. Consequently, they were obliged to nominate; as candidates for ministerial posts, names submitted to them by party leaders. They were also obliged to act in accordance with the advice of party leaders in the distribution of portfolios.

They simply had no choice in the matter. The only alternative open to them was to risk the humiliation and hostility of their nominees being rejected as was once the case in the Western Region. In that case, the nominated candidates not only criticised the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor for their reckless assault on the spirit of the constitution, but also proceeded along with their colleagues to vote against themselves.

Furthermore, the Regional Executive Council refused to play the role of advisers. They made it clear that they had been elected by their people to govern; and carried the day. Also, except on one or two occasions in the Eastern Region-that is, during a political crisis there – public opinion was mobilised to make the Governor and Lieutenant-Governors refrain from employing their veto and reserved powers. It must be pointed out that in addition to the force of public opinion, there was a good dealsof in-fighting behind the scenes to ensure that the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor confined himself, in certain matters, to playing the role of a constitutional head. In other words, by intensive and sustained political actions, the role of the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, vis-a-vis his Ministers was reversed for all practical purposes. It was the former who was made to advise the latter, instead of the other way round as laid down in the constitution.

It must be emphasised that all these had not been achieved without a good deal of friction and, sometimes, bad blood. But while Macpherson and his British colleagues seemed to think that a mistake had been made by introducing a constitution, some of whose provisions tumed out to be so easily amenable to political manoeuvres, the Nigerian nationalists were thankful and joyful. The new constitution had afforded them a unique opportunity, and they were determined to exploit every loophole in it to wrest more and more powers from the British. No previous constitution had placed Nigerian nationalists in such an offensive and invulnerable vantage position. And it is true to say that Macpherson and his colleagues soon became utterly helpless and discomfited, in the face of the disconcerting assaults made on British rule in Nigeria through the powerful instrumentality of their own constitutional creation.

CONTINUES NEXT WEEK

 

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