FROM high power-quarters, I have heard about certain unwritten understanding to keep Ndigbo out of the presidency, either as number one or two, until the race is able to explain why it struck against its own; Nnamadi Azikiwe in 1966. Zik was president of Nigeria, regardless of functionality status and the great man, wasn’t a spare tyre or ceremonial figure-head to any Prime Minister. He couldn’t have been to a PM who was a protégé of Zik’s contemporary and North’s lord, Ahmadu Bello. So, what history has, is Easterners spearheading a coup to sack a government headed by their own. Those who believe they own Nigeria, have allegedly co-written an unofficial edict to keep the couping-Ndigbo from balkanising Nigeria, using the power of incumbency in Aso Rock.
True to this theory, 18 years into our current and most-enduring democratic experience, the closest Ndigbo truly got was ChubaOkadigbo running with Muhammadu Buhari in 2003 when the presidential candidate had no real but imagined chances. One major intense ethnic grouse many a Yoruba nursed towards Ndigbo during Goodluck era was the unconfirmed story that Ndigbo, strutting the power corridors, persuaded Jonathan to keep Yoruba off relevance ladder in his government, because “they had their time under Obasanjo.” Jonathan, maybe unknowingly, authenticated the assumption of his presidency being “of Ndigbo, for Ndigbo, by Ndigbo” when he fused the Azikiwe borrowed robe into his identity trove.
As an aside, I guess Jonathan would fit more into Buhari’s leadership philosophy of “I belong to all, I belong to nobody.” And it is going to be in deficit column for Jonathan, as it has been for the originator. After I read portions of NgoziOkonjo-Iweala’s Jonathan years, one may be tempted to thank providence for keeping the Bayelsan away from the gritty affairs of power at the level he last experienced it, because two significant NOI’s stories didn’t portray Jonathan as a power-man.
Someone worshipped with you consistently for months, then she suddenly disappeared from the Villa chapel, without disappearing from sight or your government and you couldn’t ask why. And this isn’t just anybody. She was the defacto Prime Minister as the Coordinating Minister! Who does that and still earns the confidence of his close associates? Why won’t associates betray a man who rarely asks about their wellbeing? That may not be the man Jonathan. But that was the Jonathan that emerged from Iweala’s book.
Then the international embarrassment the World Bank chief, Christine Lagarde, got in Villa because some funny presidential aide didn’t like NOI’s demeanor and wanted to disgust her guest? Lagarde wasn’t Iweala’s guest, even if they have been contemporaries on the global economic stage. Lagarde was Nigeria’s guest and for Jonathan to appear laggard after Christine joked to him about her rough ride into the State House, doesn’t show a president with balls. Nigeria, at any stage, always needs one. The bemusing look on the president’s visage as revealed by Ngozi, must have sent telepathy around world powers that someone with a stronger backbone should be in charge of Africa’s largest democracy.
Did the conspiring world powers get it right? That will be pure partisan debate and it is unlikely an agreement would be reached. However, if toughie’s carriage is a major yardstick, the man elected for Nigeria by world powers, would seem apt. But even if Jonathan would be hung for being weakly tolerant, including of aides with itchy fingers and olonga throats, he should still weigh better than Buhari in matters of hypocrisy. For a father who wanted Nigerian youth to be up and doing, Yusuf, should have gotten some open remonstration after the tumultuous welcome-back reception from medical tourism. At least, Obama showed that with Malia for doing weed at Lollapalooza orgy.
Unlike Jonathan, Buhari belongs to some people; the untouchable in his government and family. A ton had been written on their slushy deals and lifestyles, which aren’t anywhere near asceticism. And while Buhari seems adept at protecting all in his government and party, Jonathan, going by the stories in the public domain, appeared to adopt the police station mentality in dealing with his aides; come first, get justice.
Even for Ndigbo in PDP who could be said to have enjoyed “better life for Biafrans” under PDP government of Jonathan, the argument that the Ijaw fellow had served the Ndigbo term, would sound like a bunkum. How could he truly? South-Easterners like late Dora Akunyili also bided to be late UmaruYar’Adua’s vice in 2007, which could have paved the way for presidency-by-default for Ndigbo as the death of Yar’Adua did for Jonathan, but the zone was zoned out. So, why the default arrangement again because someone decided to bear Azikiwe and honoured the name with goodies for the bearer’s descendants?
Have heard stories about Jonathan handing over the nation’s economy to Ndigbo during his five years in office and how the African-Jewish race became garrulous. But isn’t the same allegation being levelled against NdiYoruba now, with Babatunde Fashola, KemiAdeosun and Tunde Fowler, believably firmly in charge of the nation’s wealth and its spending? Or is there any difference in what NOI was to Jonathan’s government and what BRF is today?
Fair is fair. Regardless of your caring attitude and barrel back, you will never be able to straddle a child like his mother will. Jonathan’s government was Ijaw’s of South-South. Buhari’s, is a Northern administration. It is sheer chicanery to throw in a couple of well-hoisted fellows in a bid to re-colour what is obvious. Following an underwhelming performance, the brightest chance for Buhari to retain his Villa job is the sensible ethnic argument that the North should be allowed to finish its term and return power to the South in the spirit of unwritten rotational code, instead of allowing another Northerner to begin a fresh eight-year mandate, except such a fellow will be willing to do a single term. Between what is constitutionally-enforceable and morally-unpreachable, the obvious choice is 7up. That single line of reasoning is going to get Buhari a bunch of undeserving votes in the South, particularly the South-East, which people of conscience, believe, has a right-of-first-refusal in 2023. The central question is, who will Nigerians be relating with then; Ndigbo or Biafrans?
(To be continued)
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