‘The AD governors then, including Osoba, believed that I was too procedural and too rigid in my approach’

(Being an excerpt from ‘Telling it as it is,’ the autobiography of Chief Ayo Adebanjo)

CONTINUED FROM YESTERDAY

Before then, I had been warning Osoba that he was too close to Obasanjo, which he couldn’t deny. So, I think we were just too nonchalant about the attitude of the governors to say that ‘if they want to go, let them go,’ not knowing that they would exploit it the way they did.

Some people have blamed us that we knew Obasanjo in character; that this was a man who couldn’t be trusted. That since we had accused him of scuttling the presidential ambition of Chief Obafemi Awolowo in 1979 and 1983, and if he was now flying a kite or throwing a bait, we shouldn’t have fallen for it.

But that was one side of the story which is right. Another side is that, we say we support the Yoruba interest, and here is a Yoruba man in office whom others want to deprive of a second term, just as we were accusing Bola Tinubu of not allowing the lady from Oyo State (Akande) to be the Speaker of the House of Representatives. He used his people to scuttle what the PDP wanted to give him.

When Osoba quarrelled with Tinubu and left the ACN (he was a member of the Confab), we now invited him and asked, ‘why don’t you join us in fighting these people?’ And he said he couldn’t join SDP because it was being financed by Gbenga Daniel and the Chairman was Falae. He said he couldn’t trust Daniel. We told him we were leaders of the party and that both he and Daniel were coming in as members. But his argument was that Daniel already had his own party (PPN) and that we should allow him to form his own party too.

Our thinking then was that Osoba could team up with Daniel to defeat Amosun who wanted to discredit him politically. All along, we had not been talking about forming a party until later when he told Olaniwun Ajayi. Whereas all our interest at that time was to get rid of Amosun, Osoba was taciturn and didn’t come straight until we learnt that they did not register a party.

The AD governors then, including Osoba, believed that I was too procedural and too rigid in my approach. He now had to join our party but he was campaigning on the platform of the party (SDP) solely without putting us in the picture. He now said in a press interview that we were the ones who supported Jonathan without consulting him.

What an insult! You that came to join us now wanted to dictate to us. You didn’t come to the party meeting to argue why we shouldn’t support Jonathan. Our argument was that it was better to support Jonathan because to do otherwise by supporting Buhari would adversely affect his (Osoba’s) own campaign. That it would have a bandwagon effect. He didn’t believe that. He now insulted us in that interview by saying that we went to support Jonathan without informing him; that he was the one on ground and knew the political leaning of the people. He told us it was Sir Olaniwun Ajayi who made him join the party whereas he had no choice at that time since he had already left the ACN and his party was not registered.

Ajayi called me to say he wanted to broker peace between me and Osoba, but I said I had nothing against him, other than that when he was going to negotiate with the other party, he didn’t inform us.

I was merely acting on principle. But people didn’t see to see it that way. They would say, ‘This man is too rigid, he’s fighting with Tinubu, he’s fighting with Osoba.’

By the time we were having the elections, I was the acting chairman of the party. Before then I was deputy to Ambassador Tanko Yusuf. Bola Ige couldn’t be his deputy because of his presidential ambition, neither could Pa Adesanya. So, that was why they settled for me as deputy.

However, just before we had the local government election, Yusuf resigned. They now asked me to act as chairman until we would have the party congress. So, my emergence as the party chairman was circumstantial. I was there holding fort for the West in the party. I had no presidential ambition.

As regards the case in court, all we did was support our claims with relevant portions of the party’s constitution, to show that their own convention was illegal. Till this day, the court has not decided that case, yet INEC recognised the illegal group.

It was the man elected under the unconstitutional convention (Abdulkadir) that extolled their defeat in 2003, saying they had no cause to complain that the election was rigged.

He was the chairman of AD then when PDP rigged them out, and that was how he became a minister under PDP to show you that he was planted there. When he was brought in, most of us opposed the move. But out of spite for the leadership of Afenifere, they couldn’t see the principles behind our objection.

They allowed a strange bedfellow to infiltrate our party just because Bola Ige lost the primaries to Chief Olu Falae. They didn’t care. They cannot quote the membership card of Abdulkadir till today. We are talking about a chairman!

How could someone I didn’t know become chairman? Even if you said you were recruiting him! How can a newly recruited soldier in the army suddenly become a general, on the same day? And chief of army staff? How could he get the plummiest job in the party in no time? Mainly by Obasanjo.

And at the time, we knew Abdulkadir was in United Nigeria Convention Party (UNCP) with Niyi Adebayo and Patricia Etteh (during the Abacha years). These were the people who sponsored the man. We even heard at the time that Bola Ige asked, ‘Who is this Abdulkadir?’ But Etteh said he would talk to Bola Ige to convince him about Abdulkadir’s desirability.

Obasanjo was bent on liquidating the party. He deceived the governors (of AD) to agree to cooperate with PDP, and not put up any candidate against him in the 2003 presidential election. But the truth of the matter was that the leaders of Afenifere were never put in the know. Even Osoba admitted that the discussion had gone on before they came to party leaders.

The impression we were given was that they just wanted to cooperate with Obasanjo so that he could have a second term as a Yoruba man. But we said there were certain conditions the party should lay down upon which we would cooperate. There was no time we agreed that we would not present candidates.

Their grand plan was that if they had won elections, they would have said they did it without the leaders of Afenifere. (AD lost all the states in 2003, except Lagos, to PDP — Gbenga Daniel won in Ogun; Ayo Fayose, Ekiti; Rasheed Ladoja, Oyo; Olusegun Agagu, Ondo and Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Osun).

What could have been Bola Ige’s performance as a minister? What performance? To show he was in a wrong group, he made certain recommendations in the Ministry of Power and Energy, and nobody executed them. He said there were some individuals who had to be removed, before any serious work could be done. But instead of removing them alone, Obasanjo removed him along with them. He was working in a strange environment.

Bola Ige in his lifetime never said I had anything personal against him. But I wouldn’t deny that I often disagreed with him on issues of principle. One of it was when he stated that the doctrine of Afenifere was different from that of AD. I said no, it was a self-serving exercise. That argument came after he lost the primaries. He had also claimed to be the founder of Afenifere. Afenifere dates back to 1952. So, how can somebody say he founded it in 1994?

There are records to show that Afenifere was founded in 1952, people even used to chant then, Afenifere, Egbe Omo Olope (Afenifere’s symbol is the palm tree). There’s nobody in the Western Region that would say Bola Ige founded Afenifere.

What I found very ridiculous was the write-up in a book written in honour of Pa Adesanya where Ige wrote in the ‘Foreword’ that what Awolowo founded was Afeniferere, not Afenifere. It was laughable.

I often disagreed with Bola Ige openly. If he did anything wrong, I told him to his face. We never had personal problems. He was present at my father’s funeral in 2000. We had a robust personal relationship. Our families were close, to a large extent.

Chapter 13

Awolowo, Obasanjo and the Yoruba Nation

The odious years had long gone, though its stench hung here and there. Many were willing to forget the travesty of the treasonable felony trial which remotely led to the two coups of 1966 (January 15 and July 29), and snowballed into the Civil War (of 1967 – 1970).

The country was regaining its strength, especially with the three Rs (Reconstruction, Reconciliation and Rehabilitation). We were getting back on our feet.

In spite of everything, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the target of the evil plot, went and came out of prison a hero, pronounced the leader of the Yoruba and served as Finance Minister and Vice-Chairman in the cabinet of General Yakubu Gowon (between 1966 and 1971). His stature and renown gained more acclaim, and he was easily regarded as one of the builders of modern Nigeria. The Yoruba of the Southwest idolised him, regarded him as their saviour.

That reputation hovered around him. You could feel, see and touch it. And when Major-General Olusegun Obasanjo became Head of State following the assassination of Major-General Murtala Mohammed on February 13, 1976 (in a bloody coup plotted by Lt. Col. Bukar Suka Dimka and others), many had thought that the cause of the Yoruba would be protected and advanced.

Leaders of the defunct Action Group and allies of Pa Awolowo, as well as many progressive minds went to work. They mentioned that since northerners, especially their politicians and elders as well as their elite, always supported any of their own that occupied the seat of government, encouraging and fighting for dividends that benefited their people, Awolowo should do the same with Obasanjo.

The old man had worked with the soldier before he interacted at close quarters with him (Obasanjo), especially during the civil war years, and tried to talk his disciples out of it.

They didn’t give him respite.

‘Ignore whatever you thought about him or your perception of him. Act in the interest of the larger group and your people, and table our demands and expectations before him. He’s our son, and he should know where he’s from. Please, seek audience with him, so that he won’t give the impression that it was you who abandoned him.’

The debate went on and on, and Awolowo eventually agreed. His lieutenants had impressed upon him to seek a one-on-one audience with Obasanjo; and he did. He thereafter booked an appointment with the new Head of State at Dodan Barracks, Ikoyi (Lagos), the official residence and office of the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of Nigerian Armed Forces and the appointment was granted.

On the day of the appointment, however, to the embarrassment of Chief Awolowo, instead of the one-on-one meeting he had envisaged, he met Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Obasanjo’s deputy) sitting comfortably.

With the situation he met, Chief Awolowo changed the subject of the discussion he had intended to have with Obasanjo and instead discussed the cassava processing project (known as ‘Gari Ilaju’) he had in Ibadan.

When Awolowo returned to narrate his ordeal, his lieutenants were confounded and surprised that Obasanjo could treat Chief Awolowo in that manner. But Awolowo was not the only victim. A senior officer also found himself in such an embarrassingly awkward situation when he came to see his Commander-in-Chief.

General Olufemi Olutoye had gone to Obasanjo to discuss the ethnic bias against the Yoruba in the Army. And after listening to his homily, Obasanjo surprisingly invited General Yar’Adua and asked Olutoye to repeat what he said. Olutoye was stupefied, but he courageously repeated all he had said before Yar’Adua!

There were many incidents to show that Obasanjo was anti–Yoruba. He has no interest in, or sympathy for, the Yoruba cause; he only has his own interest for everything he does. That is my conclusion, and I have copious evidences to prove it.

Many have even said that Obasanjo detested Awolowo in his lifetime, and did all within his power to truncate his dreams or ambition. They readily cite the elections of 1979 (which his government conducted to usher in the Second Republic, 1979-1983) largely believed to have been won by Awo (as discussed earlier in chapter 8 under ‘Prelude to the Second Republic’).

And in his book ‘Not My Will’, he confirmed everyone’s long-held belief that he held Awo in contempt. He derisively stated that everything Awolowo fought for all through his life and didn’t get, fell on his (Obasanjo’s) lap.

The polity was heated after the release of the controversial book in 1990. Awolowo’s allies fired back. Gbolabo Ogunsanwo (the famous journalist who edited Sunday Times at a time) and I wrote a rejoinder to the reference to Awolowo in Obasanjo’s book, through an article entitled ‘Not His Will’, in which we castigated Obasanjo for impugning the integrity of a revered national leader.

Ebenezer Babatope (who at a time was Director of Organisation of Unity Party of Nigeria) also wrote a book to harangue the ingrate (‘Not His Will: The Obasanjo Wager’). It became clear that Obasanjo had no kind words or feelings for the man (Awo) or his ideals and philosophy. And the battle line was drawn.

Whatever he could do to diminish and destroy the legacy of Awolowo, Obasanjo attempted. Whenever his disciples were united and fighting a common cause, he poisoned the atmosphere and planted seeds of discord.

All through the years, he never wavered. He wanted to be seen as the anointed messiah, and anyone who stood the chance to overshadow him, he belittled, diminished and humiliated.

A typical example of this was the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election won by Abiola. Obasanjo, in his characteristic manner, ridiculed Abiola, whose election had been hailed by most Nigerians, by saying in faraway Addis-Ababa that he (Abiola) was not the expected messiah.

The transition programme supervised by General Abdulsalam Abubakar (Head of State from June 8, 1998 to May 29, 1999) threw up many political parties – Peoples Democratic Party, Alliance for Democracy, All Nigeria Peoples’ Party.

When politics kicked off, General Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd) was drafted from prison to contest for the Presidency by many powerful retired generals, who wanted him, being one of their own, to cover their tracks. He eventually contested under PDP and won.

The intention was to pacify the Yoruba who had been aggrieved by the annulment of the election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola, which had been widely acclaimed to be the freest and fairest in the country’s political history. The earlier appointment of Chief Ernest Shonekan as leader of the Interim National Government (ING) following the decision of President Ibrahim Babangida to ‘step aside’ failed to do this.

When Obasanjo was sworn in as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 1999, one of his first major actions was to weaken the opposition. To this end, he invited Chief Bola Ige, the deputy leader of Afenifere, under the façade of forming a ‘Government of National Unity.’ Bola Ige, already bitter over the primaries of the AD, was an easy prey.

Ige joined Obasanjo’s cabinet, and influenced the appointment of children of prominent members of Afenifere into the government, namely; Mrs. Tokunbo Awolowo- Dosunmu and Mrs. Modupe Adelaja (daughter of Pa Abraham Adesanya, the leader of Afenifere). The stature of Bola Ige in that cabinet boosted Obasanjo’s government. Expectedly, Obasanjo gloated and, was elated at achieving his purpose.

Another attempt to woo Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu, also a prominent member of the AD did not succeed. On several occasions when Obasanjo invited Alhaji Dawodu to his Ota residence, he was oblivious of the fact that the typical AD loyalist informed the leader of Afenifere, who encouraged him to go and listen to what Obasanjo had to say.

As soon as Alhaji Dawodu landed in Ota, people phoned Pa Adesanya, thinking they were giving him a hint. They were, however, surprised when the latter replied that he was aware of Dawodu’s mission.

The man who carried on as if he was the all-in-all failed woefully on all counts as the President. His eight-year tenure (1999-2007) was a tragedy. His scorecard was nothing to write home about. What did he do in eight years? Before he came we were buying fuel for N20 per litre, and crude oil was $23 per barrel. In 2007 under his regime, we were buying fuel at N75 per litre, and crude oil was between $65 and $75. In the worst days of Abacha, one dollar was N85. In 2007, our income had risen, the dollar was over N120.

No president has ever earned what Obasanjo got in terms of revenue. What have we got to show for it? What about our roads, education and health facilities? You tell me. The glorious years of Awolowo in Western Region were only seven years, 1952-1959. Up till today, we are still talking about his achievements. What did Obasanjo do in eight years that you can remember in years to come?

In practical terms, Nigerians were worse off. How much were we buying a bag of rice before he came in? What was the inflation rate, what was the employment figure? What were the redeeming features? If I had N10,000 before Obasanjo came in, how much was it worth by the time he left Aso Rock?

When you talk about economic programmes, it must have an effect on the ordinary man. It must reflect on his life. The highest cost of petrol before he got to power was N20 per litre, and this rose to N100 under his regime. During his first tenure in 1976-1979, he built three refineries, but after eight years (1999-2007) he couldn’t build one neither could he repair the ones he built earlier.

His claim as one of his achievements as head of state under the military was that he built these refineries; yet when he came back as president during his eight-year tenure (1999-

2007), he could neither build a new refinery nor make the existing ones functional.

And up till today the problem is still there, because when he was in government, he employed a tailor to do the work of a carpenter. People he gave the contract to refurbish the refineries were not professionals.

How much was the cost of a car before he came in 1999? Take the question of education. What was the position of our universities at the time he left in 2007? None was listed among the top 1,000 in the world. If you saw the classrooms, they were nothing to write home about.

Our primary schools had 60 or 70 pupils in a class. If we had a free and fair election, nowhere would PDP have been returned in the country.

What did they do to make them worthy of being returned? How much was a bag of cement before Obasanjo came in? What was the unemployment figure?

Do you know how much money he kept in foreign reserves when our people were suffering?

His tenure was a calamity. Obasanjo is shameless! Obasanjo had not disputed that he had only N20,000 in his account by the time he was drafted to contest in 1999. He had never disputed that (Abubakar) Atiku and Oyewole Fasawe saved him from bankruptcy.

Obasanjo was offered the presidency under the PDP. It was he who destroyed the party. He made the PDP to change its constitution on who should become chairman of the Board of Trustees (BOT) in order to favour himself. That was why he said anybody who would occupy that position must be a former president.

For all the negative things people have said about Obasanjo, which he could not refute, if it were to be in any decent society, people like him would not feature in public life again. This was the kind of thing that militated against Edward Heath when he was contesting as Prime Minister of Britain.

Look at the man who says he is clean. How did he build his Presidential Library Complex in Abeokuta? I am sure that when a real government of the people comes into power, they would take it from him, because he twisted people’s hands to build the edifice.

In spite of Mike Adenuga Jr’s generous donation to his university (Bells University of Technology, Ota) and the construction of his library, Obasanjo still callously sent the EFCC to harass him for refusing to confirm the allegation that Atiku Abubakar had financial interest in Globacom. This harassment forced Adenuga to relocate to Ghana on self-exile!

How can such a man be accusing everyone of being corrupt when his own hands are soiled? I have never believed in Obasanjo’s leadership for the little that I know about him. I can’t remember what he stands for on any issue of progress in this country. What has been his performance? Both his wife number one and wife number two, his children number one and number two have nothing honourable to say about him. What amazes me is that people give him undue prominence in spite of his known character. Such a whited sepulchre!

His entire landed property all over the country, his ownership of a private university, and his investment in several blue-chip companies, including Transcorp, put a question mark on his claim to incorruptibility.

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