ACCORDING to the 1952 Census. Report, there are altogether FIFTY-ONE nations in Nigeria, each of which consists of various tribes. The Census Report itself classified these national groups as TRIBAL GROUPS. But the error in this classification becomes manifest from the description of TRIBAL GROUPS in the Report. Quoting from the Nigerian Annual Reports, the Census Report says:
‘For descriptive purposes, however, it has been customary to list certain major (tribal) groups in most of which the distinguishing characteristic is language; some of these are localized, and in a few there is physical homogeneity and belief in a single derivation.’
We already know that the chief distinguishing characteristic of a nation is language, whilst that of a tribe is dialect, not language.
Of the 51 Nigerian nations, 10 are regarded as major, presumably because they are more distinctive and assertive than the rest, and certainly because they are each much more populous than each of the others. The 10 major nations together with their respective populations areas follows:
(1) HausalFulani 13.6m.
(2) Yoruba I3.0m.
(3) Ibo 7.8m.
(4) Efik/lbibio/Annang 3.2m.
(5) Kanuri 2.9m.
(6) Tiv 1.5m.
(7) Ijaw 0.9m.
(8) Edo 0.9m.
(9) Urhobo 0.6m.
(10) Nupe 0.6m.
Of the total population of Nigeria, which is said to be 56 millions approximately, these ten national groups account for about 45 millions. By a simple process of subtraction, the remaining FORTY- ONE national groups are about 11 millions strong. Of these, NINE are in Eastern Nigeria, while THIRTY-TWO are in Northern Nigeria, as follows (estimated populations):
EASTERN NIGERIA
Province: Ogoja
National Group Population
Boki 41,224
Ekri- Yakurr 138,541
Nbembe 52,472
Obanliks 23,031
Ukelle 30,298
Yala 36,152
Province: Rivers
Abuah 24,024
Ngenni 8,009
Ogoni 220,126
Province: Benue
Bassa 37,001
Egedde 98,515
Gwari 38,838
Idoma 293,010
Kutev 35,183
Province: Bomu
Babur 39,558
Beddawa 37,506
Bura 129,349
ShuwaArab 143,428
Province: Dorin
Borgawa 31,683
Bussawa 11,550
Province: Kabba
Bassa-Komo 40,152
Gwari 6,496
Igala 423,924
Igbirra 212,587
Kamberi 26,564
Owe 815
Province: Kano
Magazawa 71,845
Province: Niger
Dak-Akerri 99,747
Dukawa 36,262
Gwari 187,249
Kamberi 74,796
Kamuka 26,751
Province: Plateau
Angas 121,627
Birom 167,345
Eggon 74,788
Sura 73,909
Yergum 98,533
Province: Sokoto
Adarawa 297,661
Arawa 81,984
Zabirma 85,740
NORTHERN NIGERIA
Province: Zaria
Gwari 51,908
Jaba 59,158
Kadara 44,189
Kaje 51,533
Kataba 41,191
All the 51 Nigerian nations differ as widely and deeply in their cultures as do any group of nations in any part of the world. For instance, their political institutions, customary usages, basic religious beliefs, and even food habits are so divergent that neither British rule nor Christian and Islamic civilizations have brought about any permanent assimilation. The so-called common ‘Nigerian nationality’ – which is a complete misnomer, as there is no such thing as a Nigerian nation anyway – is a veneer or facade consciously or unconsciously put up by some Nigerians to cover up what many of their fellowmen see quite plainly as rabid nationalism.
There has, it must be admitted, been some measure of cultural diffusion among many of the national groups. The Yoruba style of dress – which is itself a synthesis of Yoruba and HausaiFulani styles – is now prevalent in most parts of the country. The Onitsha Ibos and their Edo neighbours have a lot in common in the matter of chieftaincy paraphernalia. But all these, together with some British cultures which we pretend to have adopted, are superficial; and do not in any case affect the hardest core of all cultural divergencies – language.
We are aware that the lingua franca among the national groups in the Northern Region is Hausa.
But after 146 years of a studied policy of acculturation, each national group retains its language.
Ironically enough, it is the conquering Fulani in Sokoto, Kano, Katsina, and Northern Zaria whose language has succumbed in the process. In the North today, those who claim Fulani descent but do not speak the language, far outnumber those who claim the same descent and speak the language. In any case it must be emphasized, in this connection, that the Fulani who speak Hausa as their mother-tongue have been totally assimilated with the Hausa national group in Sokoto, Katsina, Kano, and Zaria Provinces, while those ‘of them who still speak Fulani as their mother-tongue are very thinly spread over many parts of Bauchi and Adamawa
Provinces, and are in other respects fully assimilated with their neighbours. The so-called ‘Cattle Fulani’ are nomadic, and do not
enter into reckoning in our present exercise. For all practical purposes, they are nothing more and nothing less than temporary immigrants in any constituent State in which they may be found, at any given time.
The Efiks, Ibibios, and the Annangs are members of one and the same nation. They each speak a different dialect of the same
Efik or Ibibio or Annang language. Because of sentiments which have been stimulated over the years by the British and some Nigerian politicians, no Efik, or Ibibio, or Annang likes to bear any generic name other than his own. In order to avoid causing unnecessary offence, therefore, we have given to this linguistic group the long appellation of ‘Efik/lbibio/ Annang’.
The tribal units which constitute each of the 5 I national groups are territorially concentrated and contiguous. There are no geographical barriers of any importance as between one tribe and another in each national group. And barring some minor local variations, the cultures of all the tribes in a national group are basically the same. Since the advent of British rule, such inter-tribal strife and prejudice as existed has been considerably reduced to the extent that the tribes in any national group can be expected to act in concert on any important issue that touches any of them.
As a matter of fact, for some years past, the Yoruba, lbo, lbibio/ Annang, Edo, and Urhobo have each launched a non-political, non-partisan- national movement which caters for the interests of the individual members and tribal units within the national group, and pursues the goal of national unification. In short, as far as we can ascertain, no tribal unit within any of the nations has developed
such a divergent or autonomous outlook as to make it insist on remaining independent of the others within the nation. On the’ contrary, the obvious phenomenon among all the units within each nation is the tendency to cohere as one unified entity.
The sum and substance of all that we have said thus far is that Nigeria is a multi-national or multi-lingual country. For this reason’ it comes within the ambit of the third of the four principles whioh we enunciated, at page 91 ante, as follows: ‘If a country is bi-lingual or multi-lingual, the constitution must be federal, and the constituent States must be organized on a linguistic basis.’ It follows, therefore, that the Constitution of Nigeria must be federal, and the constituent States in the country must be organized on a I inguistic basis.
A strict application of this principle (hereafter called the multi-lingual principle) to Nigeria now will produce at least 51 constituent States, or as many as 60, in addition to the composite State of Nigeria itself. Until the census analysts have completed their job, we shall not know exactly how many nations there are in Nigeria.
But since the 1952 census count recorded only 5 I, and though the count did not show any minor linguistic groups for Bauchi and Adamawa Provinces, it is none the less safe to assume that the final
figure is not likely to go up by more than nine, which is close on 20% of the 1952 total. We are strengthened in this assumption because we are authoritatively informed that some of the minor national units in the North, like the Shuwa Arabs and the Bussawa for instance, have become completely assimilated with their respective neighbours. For the time being, therefore, we will confine ourselves to the 51 nations which are already identified; especially as any subsequent increase would not be likely to affect substantially the proposals which we intend to make for applying the multi-lingual principle to Nigeria.
For the reason which we will state presently, it is our considered view that Nigeria’s composite State would be threatened with certain collapse if it were to have 51 constituent States now.
From our personal knowledge of them, the 41 minor national groups cannot each, for the present, sustain a viable State. We hasten to declare that viability, in this regard, is essentially a question of administrative relativity and not, as popular notion has it, primarily a financial or population problem. There are large and small States, whether composite, single or constituent, just as there are. rich and poor ones. The world has its U.S.A. (population 186m.), U.S.S.R. (237m.), and People’s China (657m.), just as it has its Gabon (440,000), Gambia (315,000), Luxemburg (314,000), Iceland (190,000), Tonga (67,000), Andorra (I 1,000), Romansch Canton (50,000), and Kurdish Autonomous Region (60,000).
Granting administrative competence then, any constituent or independent State will manage to eke out some sort of existence. An Ikenne constituent (even independent) State can be viable.
Ikenne has a population of 9,000, and it can always produce one competent person at any given time who will be both Premier or Executive Governor as well as Minister For All Purposes.
It can also produceat all times, from among its own citizens, the small number of administrative personnel required for the efficient running of its affairs.
The Head of Government does not need a car to tour his domain; consequently none will be bought. He, together with the members of his Parliament, does not have to devote much more time to the affairs of his domain than the Chairman and members of Ikenne Town Council are expected to do; consequently only a slight increase in the sitting allowances paid to the Chairman and other members ofIkenne Local Council is required to remunerate them for their efforts.
The State Assembly will combine the functions normally performed by Local Government Councils with its constitutional functions, thus eliminating the duplication of the deliberative and legislative organ.
Since it will get its own full share of the country’s revenue, since it wi II not be expected to pay precepts to another body as the Ikenne Local Council now does, and since the people will continue to pay uch taxes and rates as may from time to time be ievied, the Ikenne State will have enough financial resources for launching and executing such programmes as its citizens demand and deserve.
With great respect, it must be emphasized quite candidly that the 41 minor national groups already mentioned are not, for the present, in the happy position of being able to produce, from among their respective citizens, self-sustaining pools of political leadership and competent administrative personnel.
Just as the viability of an Ikenne State would be seriously endangered if it were to employ expatriates, so would that of any of the minor linguistic groups be gravely jeopardized if they had to look outside their borders for efficient administrative staff.
On the other hand, however, we are perfectly satisfied that by judicious grouping, a number of minor national groups can supply the administrative personnel required from among their nationals, or failing that, they can, by reason of their combination, financially afford to employ outsiders for administrative purposes, until enough persons from among their nationals are trained to take the place of such outsiders.
In contrast, it is our considered view that each of the ten major national groups is viable.
Each ofthem can either provide internally the administrative personnel it requires, or attract proficient outsiders to its service until such time as its own nationals are sufficiently qualified.
If we accept the foregoing arguments, ten constituent States, embracing the ten major national groups, with a population of 45 millions, emerge as follows:
(1) Kano, Sokoto, and Katsina Provinces, plus the Northern part of Zaria Province including Kaduna Capital Territory, and Bedde Division. Population – 13.6 millions. (Hausal Fulani National Group.)
(2) Ibadan, Ondo, Oyo, Abeokuta, Ijebu, and Colony Provinces, together with IIorin, Kabba, and Warri Divisions, plus Akoko Edo District Council Area. Population – 13 millions. (Yoruba National Group.) (NOTE: This will be slightly affected by the proposals which we are making later in respect of Lagos.)
(3) Old Onitsha and Owerri Provinces, together with Abakaliki and Afikpo Divisions of the Old Ogoja Province, plus the Old Aboh and Asaba Divisions, and the Aro Ibo County Council Area. Population – 7.8 millions. (Ibo National Group.)
(4) Old Calabar Province minus Aro Ibo County Council Area. Population – 3.2 millions. (EfiklIbibio/Annang National
Group.)
(5) Bomu, and Dikwa Divisions. Population – 2.2 millions. (Kanuri National Group.)
(6) Tiv and Wukari Divisions. Population -1.5 millions. (Tiv National Group.)
(7) Old Brass, Degema, and Western ljaw Divisions, Population -0.9 million. (I jaw National Group.)
(8) Old Benin and Ishan Divisions, plus Menmai Division excluding Akoko Edo District Council Area. Population – 0.9 million. (Edo National Group.)
(9) Old Urhobo Division. Population -0.6 million. (Urhobo National Group.)
(10) Bida, Kwara, and Lafiagi-Pategi Divisions. Population- 0.6 million. (Nupe National Group.)
After all this has been done, we are left with about 11 million Nigerians, spread over 41 linguistic groups, who have to be organized into constituent States. In tackling this problem the following important factors must be borne in mind.
ONE: In doing the grouping exercise, we must not make the mistake of bringing any of the minor linguistic groups into the same constituent State as any of the major ones. Vis-a-vis the majority national groups, the minority nations have fears – real or imaginary which can only be allayed by making it possible for the latter to live apart from the former in separate States. In this connection, we must remember that countries like the U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia, and Britain, which recognize minorities, and make suitable constitutional arrangements to allay their fears, are reasonably free from the political troubles which usually emanate from this source. But countries like Iraq and Ceylon which have tried to ignore the existence of minority linguistic groups have been incessantly plagued with violence involving considerable loss of lives and property.
TWO: Though it sounds superfluous, yet the point must be made that all the national groups being brought together must be territorially contiguous. Contiguity is used here in contrast to the Pakistani model wherein two parts of the same State are separated from each other by a vast expanse of alien territory. This must not be permitted in this exercise.
THREE: Every linguistic group should be made to remain as an undivided unit in anyone constituent State, In other words, no linguistic group should be divided into two or more constituent States.
FOUR: The linguistic groups being brought together must be large enough in population to be administratively viable; but must not be too large territorially to necessitate extensive travelling on the part of the functionaries of the resultant State.
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